meeting invited a more general meeting of the inhabitants, by delegates, the number and apportionment of whom it undertook to establish; and these, when assembled, professed themselves the representatives of the country at large, styled themselves a provincial congress, and gave almost unlimited authority to their general committee and their committee of safety. It was absolutely necessary to pursue this course, or abandon the cause altogether; and every political revolution must have some beginning of the same nature. But when the powers of government, however irregularly obtained, were distributed to the various committees and sub-committees, Mr. Rutledge invariably advocated a strict adherence to the authorities thus constituted, and was little disposed to consult, on all occasions, the clamour of the people, when opposed to those to whom they had given power and authority to act in their behalf. In fact, although he possessed sound whig principles, and could not be surpassed in his exertions to support and defend them, he was not less zealous in his opposition, nor firm in his detestation, towards the ascendency of a mob, or an illegal attempt to coerce the constituted authorities. Had Mr. Rutledge been an actor in the French revolution, he would have been one of the earliest victims of the Jacobin club.

It appears that the body in South Carolina, called the Provincial Congress, appointed a general committee in Charleston, to exercise, during the recess of the former, almost all the powers of government, which, however prodigious, were perhaps necessary for the accomplishment of their purposes. Amongst other matters, they were particularly charged with the duty of practically directing the principles of what was termed the Association, or to superintend the enforcement of the act of non-importation.— Upon the return home of a family with their coach, horses, and household furniture, constituting part of their usual domestic establishment, it was made a question for the committee, whether these should be considered as goods, wares, and merchandise, (the words of the act of association,) and whether they should, under the circumstances of the case, be prevented from landing? The committee determined that these articles did not come within the spirit and meaning of the act, although they might be included in the letter, and that a rigid adherence to the latter would be an absurdity, because it would exclude arms and gunpowder, which were objects of the first necessity. This decision was not satisfactory to the people, and a town meeting was called to induce, or compel, the committee to rescind their resolution. Upon this occasion Mr. Rutledge stood

forward with great firmness in support of the committee, and though hitherto nursed by popular favour, and possessing, in the highest degree, the esteem and confidence of the public, he was received with shouts, and, as it is said, more humiliating marks of disapprobation. Undismayed by this uncourteous reception, he urged his points with spirit, eloquence, and ability, although without success. After commenting at large upon the meaning of the Association act, which, as a member of congress, he had assisted in framing, and showing that it was giving to it an extravagant construction to apply it in the present instance, he concluded by observing, that where no corrupt motives were insinuated, or could be suspected, it would be subversive of all order, and bring their own authority into utter contempt, rendering them incapable of acting for the service of the community, if in every case where their determination was misunderstood or disrelished, they were to be appealed from, overruled, and disgraced. The question was decided against him by a majority of one.

Soon after this transaction he repaired to the congress of the United Provinces, in which he is known to have been an active and efficient member; but we are unacquainted with the details of his conduct, owing to the secrecy which was still prudently pre

served. As the subjoined letter to Mr. Bee, written during the session, affords a pretty fair specimen of his familiar epistolary style, it cannot be unacceptable.

"November 25th, 1775.

"I should have done myself the pleasure of writing to you by the return of the express, but was so ill at that time, that I found it impossible. I am now much better, but still greatly distressed with a cough, which I see no prospect of getting rid of till I bend my course to a warmer and better climate.-So much for myself.

"Some time last summer, the officers at Boston fitted out a large schooner, and despatched her to Ireland for a supply of tongues, wines, &c.; on her return a few days ago, she was intercepted by one of our armed vessels in continental pay, and brought into harbour, with all her prog, and an abundance of letters from gentlemen in Ireland to their friends in Boston. These letters have been opened, and have afforded much amusement and some intelligence— We find by them, that administration are determined, at all events, to attempt the reduction of America,— that Boston will be made strong by twenty-two or twenty-five thousand men, in the course of next winter and spring; that lord Kinmore has added

to the king's bounty, that of ten and sixpence per man, for all who shall enlist under major Roche; that the city of Cork has followed the example, but more extensively; that lord Bellamont has the direction of the recruiting parties in that part of the kingdom; that the Roman Catholic priests have been applied to, to stimulate their flocks against us, which they have promised to do if the regiments to be raised be officered by gentlemen of their religious persuasion; in short, that all the powers of hell are to be let loose upon us. On the other hand, intelligence, by the same conveyance, informs us that all the whigs in the kingdom, (a very few excepted,) are warmly interested in our cause, that the common people are not less well affected; that several towns have resolved not to permit any officers to recruit amongst them, and have destroyed the drums of those who have been hardy enough to attempt it; and that the dislike to the service is so great and so general, that those employed therein meet with little or no success. So much for Irish politics.

"You will, no doubt, ere this reaches you, have heard of our having taken Chamblée and St. John's. We are in daily expectation of hearing of the fall of Montreal and Quebec. I have that expedition much at heart, for I really think, and have long thought, that America will be saved in Canada. It