chest, including acute and chronic. We have no space here for following out this point, and must refer the reader for our facts to the Charleston Medical Journal.

We give below another table, which will afford data for comparison with other cities on some important points. It embraces the

last six years, the only years for which we have all these details. It includes blacks and whites, and it is to be regretted that the two castes cannot be separated at all ages, as we could thus be enabled to judge better of the effect of climate on each race.

TABLE III.

OF MORTALITY FOR CHARLESTON FROM 1840 TO 1846, SIX YEARS, SHOWING THE MORTALITY OF THE DIFFERENT MONTHS, AND THE AGES AT DEATH.

.7,66. 2,00.
.1,28... .,33.
contrary, no one regards the bilious fever re-
gions of the South with more horror than we
do. Though we are satisfied that the gulf
coast generally and many portions of the At-
lantic states will compare favorably with our
north-eastern states, we wish it borne in
mind that we are now illustrating the cli-
mate of seaports alone.

We will remark, in passing, the low degree of mortality amongst children in Charleston When, then, we take into consideration the compared with northern cities. In Charles- fact that yellow fever attacks only the unacton, the mortality under five years is 31 per climated, and that bilious fevers do not affect cent., while in Boston it is 46, and in other to any extent the southern seaports; that northern and European cities the per centage is still greater.

The average mortality for the last six years in Charleston for all ages is 1 in 51, including all classes. Blacks alone, 1 in 44; whites alone, 1 in 58, a very remarkable result, certainly. This mortality is perhaps not an unfair test, as the population during the last six years has been undisturbed by emigration and acclimated in a greater proportion than at any former period.

We do not wish to be considered an apologist of southern climates generally; on the

these cities are comparatively exempt from many other zimotic diseases, as well as those arising from cold; that tables of mortality include all classes, and that it is only the better classes who apply for life insurance, we have strong reasons for concluding that the mortality in Charleston for the last six years may be assumed as a safe measure for estimating the probabilities of life in that city, as well as in those of the gulf.

We will here bring to a close our imperfect sketch, and must refer the reader who is curious in such matters, to more extended

life statistics, which we have given in the Southern Journal of Medicine, published in Charleston.

The Southern cities cannot expect, nor do they deserve justice on the subject of Life Insurance, until their vital statistics are properly kept. The subject is one of great importance, and should be looked to.

of the resources of own country, and that for this
purpose suitable agents should be sent abroad to in-
duce foreign capitalists and merchants to establish
agencies and form co-partnerships in our cities,
with the assurance of their receiving a cordial wel
come and zealous support.

to bring about a co-operation between our merchants
"Resolved, 5. That similar efforts should be made
and capitalists, and those of Europe, for the purpose
of immediately establishing lines of packet ships
and steamers, whereby regular communications, at
stated periods, may be secured-and that all other
proper measures should be adopted to effect, as spee-
dily as possible, this all-important object.
tion, it is essential to the success of any scheme of
"Resolved, 6. That in the opinion of this Conven-
direct importation, that a demand should be created
in our own ports for all the goods so imported,
which can only be effected by opening free commu-
of rail-roads, canals, and turnpikes, by which the
nications with the interior by an extensive system
merchants of the interior may be enabled to lay in
their supplies on better terms than they could pro-
cure them from any other quarter.

SOUTHERN COMMERCIAL CONVENTIONS.-We were turning over a package of old and valuable documents that had been stored away in our library, a few days since, when it chanced that several pamphlets embracing the proceedings of southern and western merchants on the subject of this trade and commerce, came to light. We turned over their pages with great interest, and marvelled that a movement begun in such a spirit and prosecuted for a time with so much vigor, could at last have been suffered to die away and pass as it were from memory. Where are the men that instituted the conventions of Augusta, of Charleston, and of Macon? Where are those delegates from the Carolinas, and Georgia, Alabama and Tennessee, Florida and Mississippi, whose "Resolved, 8." This resolution applied to the reenterprise appeared to have no bounds?vival of the old "Southern Review," of the palmy were the defence of our institutions and the develop days of southern literature, the objects of which ment of the resources of the slaveholding states.

It is scarcely ten years since then. Has anything been achieved that was desired, or has despair seized upon them to deaden and destroy their energies? We would recall those scenes and times. We would bring upon the stage again the actors and the events. Perchance the day will come-a better and a brighter one for the South, for which they sighed.

The last of these conventions was, we believe, held in 1839. There were present from South Carolina, 170 delegates, from North Carolina, 3; from Georgia, 33; from Alabama, 5; from Tennessee, 5; from Florida, 3; Mississippi and Louisiana were not represented.

Among the resolutions adopted were the following:

"Resolved, 1. That the commercial capital and credit of the southern and south-western states should be so extended and enlarged, as to enable our merchants to carry on the business of direct importations on an extensive scale, and on the most ad

vantageous terms.

"Resolved, 2. That for this purpose, it is highly important that a portion of the capital now absorbed in other pursuits, should be directed to commerce, for which the strongest inducements are now offer

ed by the passage of laws in several of the states, authorizing the formation of limited co-partnerships, and from the reasonable assurance that such investments will be as profitable to individuals as they

must be beneficial to the community.

"Resolved, 3. That our banks should extend all the aid in their power to this trade, and afford the necessary facilities for carrying it on successfully, by enlarging the capital and extending the credit of those who may engage in it, to the utmost extent consistent with the safety of these institutions and the public welfare.

"Resolved, 4. That the proper efforts should also be made to bring in foreign capital and credit, in aid

"Resolved, 7. That among the measures auxiliary to the important objects we have in view, this Convention cannot but regard as of deep interest and importance, the adoption of the proper means for introducing COMMERCIAL EDUCATION among the youth of our country-the training them up to habits of business and thereby establishing a body of merchants, whose every interest and feeling shall be sustained them. identified with the country which has reared and

A committee of twenty-one, of which the venerable and distinguished Chancellor Harper was chairman, and of which the following individuals were members, prepared the report:

Committtee-William Harper, Robert Y. Hayne, G. A. Trenholm, J. K. Douglass, F. H. Elmore; C. G. Memminger, A. Blanding, from South Carolina. William Dearing, A. D. Miller, D. C. Campbell, A. H. Stevens, J. Phinizy, J. Cowles, from Georgia. John H. Crozier and Thomas C. Lyon, from Tennessee. Abner McGehee, E. A. Holt, from Alabama. Mitchell King, William Patten, from North Carolina. James Gadsden, Wm. J. Mills, from Florida.

SOUTHERN COMMERCIAL CONVENTION-REPORT OF ROBERT Y. HAYNE, (1839.)-Near two years have elapsed since the first commercial convention assembled in Augusta, for the purpose of promoting "A DIRECT EXPORT AND IMPORT TRADE WITH FOREIGN COUNTRIES." It was foreseen by the projectors of this great enterprise, that it would be a work of time, and that its final accomplishment could only be effected by the exertion of extraordinary zeal, energy, and perseverance. They were well aware that essential changes in the habits and pursuits of a people-and especially in the course of their trade-could be brought about only by slow degrees. They knew that the end proposed, no less than the means to be adopted for securing it, would come into conflict

with too many deeply-rooted prejudices and conflicting interests, to permit them to escape censure and avoid misrepresentation. In the very beginning, they pointed out these as among the difficulties to be encountered and overcome, before they could expect to reap the full reward of their patriotic exertions. Nevertheless, we have gone steadily forward in the consciousness of rectitude, and under a deep and abiding conviction that the "commercial independence of the South" is too closely connected with the welfare, prosperity, and honor of this quarter of the Union, ever to be abandoned while there remained the smallest hope of ultimate success. The evil complained of is, that the southern and southwestern states, while producing near three-fourths of the domestic exports of the Union, import scarcely one-tenth of the merchandize received in exchange for them. The foreign commerce, which derives its existence from the productions of our industry, and which is the unfailing source of so much wealth to others, is carried on by the citizens of other states, causing their cities to flourish, while ours have been falling into decay. The profits of the agency by which this trade has been carried on for us, has been estimated at ten millions of dollars annually. The annual loss to Georgia and South Carolina cannot be less than three millions, while Mississippi (whose exports even now amount to $16,000,000,) must lose a million and a half annually. No one acquainted with the present course of trade and the usual measure of mercantile profits, would, we presume, estimate the gains of the northern merchants from the almost exclusive possession of the carrying trade for the South, at less than from 10 to 15 per cent.,* which would exceed

In an able report made by Mr. Porter to the Legislature of Alabama, the following striking views are presented of this branch of the subject:

the amount above estimated. The natural, indeed inevitable effect of this state of things upon the plantation states, has been to subject their industry to an indirect tax, which has consumed so large a portion of their annual profits as to deprive them, in a great measure, of the means of accumulating the capital equally essential to the success of commercial pursuits as to the general improvement of our country. It has been supposed that with the vast resources of the cotton-growing states, the mere abstraction of a few millions annually, by an unfavorable course of trade, could not very materially diminish their wealth, or impair their prosperity. But let it be recollected, that the sum drawn annually from these states, by the combined operation of all the causes which have concurred in diverting to the North the profits of southern labor and capital, are by no means inconsiderable in amount. In addition to the ten millions of dollars yearly abstracted by the unfavorable course of our foreign trade, the ACTION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT in the collection and disbursement of the public revenues, has operated as a burden to an equal or even greater amount. The system of raising, by duties on foreign goods, nearly the whole amount necessary to meet the wants of the government, including the discharge of an immense public debt, was, of itself, calculated to depress the industry of the cotton-growing states, which was almost exclusively employed in raising the products which were exchanged for the very articles thus enormously taxed. But when these duties were extended to an amount greatly exceeding the wants of the government, ranging from 25 to upward of 100, and amounting on an average to 40 per

thus purchase for us, charge us only ten per cent. which is a very moderate calculation (as we believe imports to the Southern market may be safely arranged at twenty per cent.) we pay upon our imports one million eight hundred thousand dollars. Thus making upon exports and imports three million six hundred thousand dollars, which we pay for the pri

to those of foreign countries. This is a calculation in respect to our own first markets. Add to the amount the expenses and charges upon goods before they go into the hands of the consumers, and the sum total will be very greatly increased.

"Of the two hundred and eighty thousand bales of cotton which find their way to market from this state, probably one hundred thousand reach NewOrleans by the Tennessee and Mississippi rivers, and the balance passes through Mobile. That por-vilege of taking the Northern markets in our route tion of the amount which reaches Mobile, and is not shipped to Liverpool and Havre through New-York, is shipped directly to the foreign market in vessels owned in the latter city, after being purchased by capital owned there likewise; so that we may estimate the entire amount of our exports of cotton (worth eighteen millions of dollars) has to reach the European market through agents who are not citizens of the state, and upon whom we need not be necessarily dependent. This probably costs us one million eight hundred thousand dollars. But it will be asked, can every producer sell for himself? We say, no; but if we employ agents, let them be our own citizens, who will return the profits they make back into the same community from which they are derived, and the burden will cease to be intolerable. Again the same channels return us our imports. These consist of dry goods, cutlery, and groceries, which we indirectly purchase to a large amount from Europe and the West Indies, through New-York, by the same agents. If our imports equal in value our exports, which is the stated rule, and those who

"If this amount must be paid, why shouid it not be paid to our own citizens? If we must employ agents, why should we not select those who will return the profits they derived from us, back to us again? Why should not the legislature of the state put forth its most liberal power to attain the people this most desirable end? Why should not the people themselves, while the resources of this noble and prosperous state are full of youth and energy, seize upon an enterprise which thus promises such beneficial results?-results of no chimerical, vague or uncertain character, but taught us by the lesson of facts, ascertained by the best proof-the proof of experience itself.

"If we take the article of cotton alone, and enter into a calculation of the loss occasioned to the planting interest of the South and West by an indirect

cent., imposed for the avowed purpose of affording protection and encouragement to those, the productions of whose industry (free from all taxation) came into direct competition with the foreign goods received in exchange for our cotton, rice, and tobacco, when the vast amounts thus extracted WERE ACCUMULATED AT THE NORTH, and were expended on the army and navy, the fortifications, public buildings, pensions, and other various objects of national expenditurethe balance being distributed in INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS of which we receive but a small share, can it be a matter of wonder or surprise, that even with the richest staples in the world, the South should exhibit the extraordinary spectacle of a country making hardly any progress-while the more favored, though comparatively barren regions of the North, were seen constantly advancing in wealth and prosperity? This UNEQUAL ACTION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT-as it was, in the first instance, the most prominent cause of the subversion of southern commerce has constantly operated in preventing its recovery, by stimulating the commercial industry of the North, and building up northern cities at the expense of those of the South and Southwest. To show the magnitude of this evil, it is only necessary to advert to the fact, that the gross amount received from customs has been es

timated at the enormous sum of nine hundred millions of dollars, nearly three-fourths of which were levied on goods received in exchange for the productions of the South and South west, and nine-tenths of it expended north of the Potomac. Now, if one of the effects of this most unjust and unequal system has been to stimulate the industry of the North, and thus to throw the importing business almost entirely into the hands of northern merchants, then it is manifest that we have been deprived of the profits to be derived from the importation and sale of an amount of foreign goods, which, estimated by the value of our productions, could not have fallen far short of a thousand millions of dollars-the entire value of importation being estimated at nearly three timesthat amount-a sum so vast that the usual profits on the importations would have been abundantly sufficient to have changed the entire face of our country, and given us a capital fully adequate to all the purposes of the most prosperous foreign commerce, and the most extensive system of internal improvements.

But there is another view of this subject, entitled, we think, to more weight than it has yet received. The prosperity of states depends in a far greater degree upon their ACCUMULATED CAPITAL than is generally supposed. A people whose industry is ex

bama. Her estimated crop of cotton for the year
ending 30th September, 1838, is 309,807 bales. This,
calculated at four hundred pounds to the bale, gives
123,932,800 pounds.

One and a half cents freight is
Commissions, shipping, insurance at five
per cent. on amount of crop, is, viz.,
$12,392,280, at $40 per bale, is equal to
Add one and a half cents per pound for
baggage, factor's commissions, trans-
portation to Mobile, which is...

.$1,858,842

619,614

1,858,842 .$4,337,298

trade, we will be astonished at the result. The estimated crop of cotton for the year ending 30th September, 1838, is 1,891,497 bales. This cotton is transported by sea either to the Northern ports, or directly to Europe. Of this number, 1,165,155 bales go to England; 321,480 to France; 63,009 to the North of Europe; and 25,895 to other foreign portsmaking a total of 1,574,629 sent abroad. Deduct this number of bales from the entire crop, and we find that 226,868 bales are used at home, and returned to us in domestic manufactures. It is but reasonable to estimate the freight paid upon the number of bales shipped abroad at one and a half cents per pound. If this be calculated upon 1,574,629 bales, supposing each bale to contain 340 pounds, which gives 535,373,860 pounds, it is shown that the producing states pay for freight alone, $8,030,607 90. Other charges, such as commissions, shipping, insurance, may be said to amount to at least five perceive that the most ruinous consequences follow. cent. Now the amount of the crop shipped valued at thirty dollars per bale, is $47,238,870. Five per cent. upon that amount is....$2,361,943 50 To which add the freight, which is.... 8,030,607 90

And you have a total of.......

$10,392,554 40 "This immense amount deducted from a crop of the value of $47,238,879, is distributed among those who act as the transporting and selling agents of the producer, all of whom live north of the Potomac river. The South thus stands in the attitude of feeding from her own bosom a vast population of merchants, ship-owners, capitalists and others, who, without the claims of her progeny, drink up the lifeblood of her trade.

"It cannot be here asserted that a deduction should be allowed for that portion of the Southern crop which is shipped directly from the southern ports to foreign countries. The tonnage register will show that nine-tenths of the shipping employed belong to Northern capitalists.

"Now let us bring this calculation home to Ala

Total

Deduct this from $12,392,289, the value of our crop at home, and we have left us $8,054,982.

"When, in addition, it is recollected that this amount is again indirectly expended abroad in purchasing our articles of consumption, we will per

The destination and disposition of our products for the last twenty years, have not been made subjects of consideration by our citizens, nor their importance estimated. We content ourselves with buying and selling again, without inquiring farther than to know that our crops increase, and that we dispose of them readily. We do not perceive the great drain which is made from us by the capital of others. Foreign capital purchases our produce, but it is taken up instantly by foreign imports. Poreign merchants act as our agents in the two transactions, but spend not a dollar of the money we pay among us again. The immense value of our labor is thus taken abroad, and it is well known that we live humbly, make no expensive improvements, spend little in the luxuries of life, and have few means at the close of the year. Where, then, goes the value of our labor, but to those who, taking advantage of our folly, ship for us, buy for us, sell to us, and after turning our own capital to their profitable account, return laden with our money, to enjoy their easily-earned opulence at home ""

A COMPARATIVELY SMALL PORTION OF THE WHOLE ANNUAL PRODUCTION,

much the greater part of which must necessarily be consumed in the support of the producers. Now, according to this law of society, which is founded in the very nature and constitution of man, it is manifest that the yearly abstraction, whether it be by the action of the government or the operation of an unfavorable course of trade, of even a comparatively small portion of the annual gains of the people, may so far affect their prosperity as to leave them in the condition of a community making no advances whatever in wealth and prosperity.

hausted at the bare supply of their wants, | ture of these articles, or from the business can make but small advances in science or of conducting the exchanges, we were conthe arts. All great public improvements tent to leave in the hands of others. If, at must be the result of capital, accumulated the end of the year, the planter found that by years of successful industry. The man he had supported his family, and was not who lives by his labor, has neither leisure brought into debt, he was well content. nor inclination, and if he possess both, has The fortunate few whose incomes exceeded not the means of improying his own condi- their expenditures, were naturally led to the tion much less of developing the resources extension of their plantations rather than to . of his country. And whatever may be the the investment of their surplus in commerce productions of any country, if the consump- or manufactures. Except in the immediate tion be equal to that production, it is clear neighborhood of the cities (whose bank and that capital cannot be accumulated to any other stocks have commanded the attention great extent. National wealth chiefly de- of a few of our wealthy planters) the regular pends on the excess of annual production course has been to invest the entire profits over the annual consumption. This consti- of agriculture in lands and negroes. The tutes, at all times, and under all circum- poorer class of planters have thus been instances, duced to sell out their possessions to their more wealthy neighbors, and have gone with the proceeds to other states, while the acquisition of more land, and the production of more cotton have been regarded as the only objects worthy of the attention of those who remained at home. The most disastrous consequences have resulted from this unfortunate habit among our agriculturists. In the first place, the increase of the quantity of cotton thus produced has not been attended by a corresponding increase in the profits of the planter. According to a law in political economy, well understood, and which admits of a few exceptions, a mere increase in the quantity of any article of general consumption, seldom increases its money value in a corresponding degree, while the lessening of the production not unfrequently enhances that value. Hence the practice of the southern planters of devoting their whole attention to the increase of their cotton crops is not attended by a corresponding increase in their value. It is a notorious fact, that the shortest crops of this article are not unfrequently the most profitable, and it can hardly be doubted that if the whole surplus of our agriculture for several years past had been applied to other pursuits, instead of being invested in lands and applied to the production of more cotton, the cotton crop would have been worth, at this time, nearly as much as it is at present, while this surplus, invested in commercial or other pursuits, or applied to public improvements, would have added to the wealth and improved the character of our people, and, persuaded, the prosperity of every commu- by diversifying their pursuits, have stimunity, in a great measure, depends. The ci-lated their industry and strengthened our petizens of the southern and south-western culiar institutions.*

If the millions, therefore, which have been abstracted by the government from the southern and south-western states, and expended elsewhere, had been left here to accumulate, and to be applied to all the uses of society; if our citizens even now derived all the profits which our great staples still furnish to the merchants and manufacturers of the North, we would not hear continued complaints of that want of capital, which we are told opposes so great an obstacle to the success of our schemes. The addition of even one million and a half a year (to rate it no higher) to the commercial capital of Mississippi, Georgia, and South Carolina, for the last ten or fifteen years, would at this time have placed these states in a condition of the highest prosperity. One of the most unfortunate consequences of the subversion of southern commerce has been the depriving us of that DIVERSITY IN THE PURSUITS OF THE PEOPLE on which, we are

states, driven from the animating pursuits From what has been here said, we would not be of commerce, have, it is undeniable, de- understood as indulging in any fears that cotton is voted themselves too exclusively to agricul- an article, the production of which is at all likely to ture. With us, the usual routine of business be overdone. It is the cheapest raw material out of which cloth can be made, and is destined, we have has been, to produce as much cotton, rice, no doubt, to supersede to a great extent all manuand tobacco, as our land and labor would factures of wool, flax, hemp, and silk; and when afford. Whatever profits could be derived shirting and sheeting, sails, carpeting, hats, blankets, and even broadcloths, shall be made, as they from the transportation, sale, and manufac-shortly will be, entirely of cotton, the world will