fully convinced," said the Manchester Mr. Grattan. A commercial system so Petition," that no system but what pre-settled would certainly imply an equality scribes a participation of burthens as well of commerce purchased by an inequality as of advantages can be fair, equitable, or of constitution. Similarity of law in the permanent; and, therefore, that a com-two countries can only be secured, either plete union is the best means of establishing harmony and good will between the two nations." The general chamber of British manufacturers, published on the 18th May 1785, some objections to the amended Irish resolutions: when, after stating the expediency of "becoming one people under one parliament," they added, that, "a real union with Ireland, under one legislature, would take away every difficulty." These suggestions were the result of plain sense, and strongly ap plicable to the questions then under discussion. I think them equally applicable to the actual predicament of the two countries.

by virtual union, in which the legislature of the one country must be understood to control and supersede the legislature of the other; or by the incorporating union and blending of the two legislatures, so as to place on an equal basis the li. berties of both countries. And yet this similarity of law is indispensable in communicating to Ireland a full and permanent commerce, which alone can give to her people, employment, capital, opu lence, and industry.

Such, my lords, were the impressions and reasonings which determined me to call for the accounts now under our view. And having fully considered them, I venIt became a general opinion that uni- ture to assert, that the commercial inteformity of law must accompany the com- rests exhibited and proved in these papers munication of permanent advantages; and will have more effect, than any other conthose who had introduced the commercial sideration, in finally accomplishing the propositions, admitted the doctrine, with union of the two kingdoms. It would, my the wisdom and liberality which has so lords, be grating to the feelings of us all, long distinguished their conduct. The to state to Ireland, that she is chained fourth article was accordingly introduced down, though by her own prejudices, to as an amendment, expressly stating, that a weak and inefficient independence, sub"the laws for trade and navigation should ject to incessant collisions, and inseparable be the same in Great Britain and in Ire- from misfortune and humiliation. I should land" The Irish parliament in 1780, on think it ungenerous to make such a statebeing admitted to a direct trade with our ment, if it were not in my power to precolonies had already recognized the same sent to her at the same time a real and principle, and still act under it; but in permanent independence, accompanied 1785, such a condition was not reconcile- by a full participation of British opulence, able to the new notions of liberty. The British greatness, and British freedom, present Speaker of Ireland combated those with its best companion, British security. new notions with much eloquence, inge- A nation with plain and undisguised truths nuity, and force. Some of Mr. Grattan's of this magnitude before her eyes, canexpressions on that occasion deserve to not long be influenced by misrepresentabe recollected. He opposed the propositions, or by the partial interests of a few, tions;-"We are told" said he, "that the laws respecting commerce and navigation should be similar; and it is inferred, that Ireland should subscribe the laws of England on those subjects.""It is a union, an incipient and a creeping union; a virtual union, establishing one will in the general concerns of commerce and navigation, and reposing that will in the parliament of Great Britain; a union, where our parliament preserves its existence after it has lost its authority."-"I consider myself as opposing a union in limine, and that argument for union which makes similarity of law and community of interest a pretence for extinction of constitution."In this instance I can agree with

who may struggle to retain an ascendancy incompetent and irreconcileable to the happiness of the whole. I shall not advert more particularly to the Irish metro polis, though it would be easy to show that Dublin will be greatly advanced in employment, population, rents, and wealth, by the effect of the proposed measure. The produce of the income tax will as. certain, that the opulence of our own metropolis depends in a small proportion on the occasional residence of the members of the legislature; that opulence is chiefly derived from the activity and energy of our commercial credit and capitals, which can never be communicated to the sister kingdom otherwise than by a legislative

union.

But I wish to speak of Ireland in general. The interests of her merchants and manufacturers, and of the owners and occupiers of land, will best be understood by a short analysis of the printed accounts to which I now solicit your lordships' particular attention.

colonial, and foreign, articles. We sent them to the amount of 1,468,000.: we gave an entire drawback of the duties; and the revenue annually received by Ireland on this branch of our trade was about 345,000l. British money. The remaining three-fifths of the British exports to IreIt is impossible, my lords, to contem- land may be classed under the heads of plate these papers without exultation of British manufactures and products. The mind, at so brilliant an exhibition of the total average value of the manufactures increasing prosperity of Great Britain, exported to Ireland, when distinguished and of her unexampled pre-eminence from what comes under the description among nations. We see her, mistress of of products, was 1,640,000l., being about the trade of the world, and possessing a one-twentieth of our whole export of manavy amply adequate to the protection of nufactures. The principal article is that such a trade. We saw without surprise of woollens, in value 686,000l., about the late avowal of our enemy, that she one-twelfth of our woollens exported. has not one merchant vessel upon the sea. The other articles separately taken are of These papers will give to your lordships, small amount, and consist of cottons, what has never before been attempted, cotton-yarn, wrought-iron, leather, glass, the true valuation of our whole commerce earthen-ware, &c. The articles of British according to current prices and to other products exported to Ireland are essential documents, the accuracy of which is in- to the Irish manufactures, such as oakcontestable. It has been a task of great bark, coals, bar-iron, hops, lead, and labour and difficulty, and could not have salt. The most important article is that been completed but by the intelligent ex- of coals. We annually send to Ireland ertions and well-tried accuracy and ability above 300,000 chaldrons, subject to a of the present inspector-general. It ap- duty of only 1s. 2d. per chaldron; at the pears, accordingly, that the total value of same time that our coasting trade pays our imports and exports in the year 1798 5s. 9d.; and that the duties paid in the was ninety-five millions sterling;-above metropolis of England amount to 9s. 3d. twenty-two millions higher than the ave- A revenue of 600,000l. is raised in this rage value of the four last years of peace. kingdom on coals; Ireland, however, pays The true value of the imports amounting no more than 17,900. for the duties on to 46,963,000/; the exports to above 48 all that we supply to her; and an Irish millions. The British manufactures ex-duty is levied in Dublin of 1s 9d. per ton. ported in 1798, amounted to 33,600,000l. being 6,477,000. higher than the average export of our manufactures in the four last years of peace. The annual average import into Great Britain from Ireland, during the last four years of peace, was about 4,900.000l.; and for the three years ending the 5th Jan. 1799, it was above 5,500,000l., being an increase of about 600,000l. Upon our entire trade with Ireland, the annual balance in her favour is above two millions; and upon the interchange of the products and manufactures of the two countries, the balance in favour of Ireland is above 3,400,000l.

And here, my lords, allow me to specify the principal articles of our commerce with Ireland, and to examine the causes which give to her, apparent advantages of great extent, and at the same time, under her present circumstances, of little avail. Two-fifths of the average exports from Great Britain to Ireland, for the last three years, consisted of East Indian,

with the exemption only of such coals as may be used to promote against us the rival manufactures of glass and refined sugar. Other products, such as allum, bark, bar-iron, hops, lead, and salt, are subject to similar remarks; they go free from this country, and pay considerable duties in Ireland. The average revenue raised in Ireland on British products and manufactures is 194,000. The revenue raised in Great Britain on Irish products and manufactures is 10,8501.

I shall now, my lords, proceed to examine how far the same liberal system prevails respecting the exports from Ireland to Great Britain, and to the British settlements. I admit, that on some articles of manufacture our protecting duties are nearly prohibitory. But I venture to assert, that the entire abolition of all those duties would, in the present relative cir cumstances of Ireland, have no effect whatever. If, indeed, the two kingdoms were blended in their legislatures, and interests

to a considerable extent. The cattle and provisions, furnished annually by Ireland to Great Britain, amount to no less a sum than two millions sterling annually. A duty too, producing about 30,000l., is charged in Ireland on that whole export: and yet we prohibit, in time of peace, the admission of provisions from other countries, and do not even permit the United States of America to send provisions to our islands and fisheries. I do not wish, at present, to examine the policy of these exclusive encouragements, nor whether it may be a detriment to our own agriculture to import Irish provisions duty free. The quantity purchased by us is apparently large, and such as at first sight might seem difficult to be replaced, if ever the channel of supply should be suddenly checked. But when it is considered in the scale of our general con. sumption, its importance is much diminished. I find, for instance, that all the beef which we take from Ireland, including what is furnished for our fleets, is less than one third of what is annually sold in Smithfield. The only other article of Irish products, imported by us to any considerable amount, is that of oats, which may be stated at 200,000l. sterling.

so as to establish, between the opposite | all the duties were removed. I think it sides of St. George's Channel, the same sufficient to have shown, that the existsort of connexion, interest, and inter- ence of those duties is in effect no excep course, which now subsists between the tion to the liberality of our general system. opposite banks of the Humber or the There are, however, some products and maThames, I willingly believe, that the gra-nufactures which Ireland is able to supply dual extension of English capital and the gradual interchange of workmen, would transfer to Ireland a full participation not only in the woollen and cotton manufactures, but in many other branches of employment. The credit and capital, which are now pent up within Great Britain, would then descend like water to a level, and diffuse themselves equally over both kingdoms. There is nothing in such an operation, when maturely arranged and prepared, which ought not to satisfy those, on the one hand, who dread the removal of their wealth to a country where taxes are comparatively low; or those, on the other hand, who affect to dread an increased taxation. The virtual and gradual equalizing of burdens, as well as of benefits, is implied in all these statements, and would be accomplished by a united, wise, and provident legislature, without any shock to the interests of either contracting party, In the mean time, it cannot have escaped your lordships' observation, that the duties alluded to are on articles which we are exporting in considerable quantities to Ireland, such as woollens, cottons, and leather manufac❘ tured. Let it also be remarked, that our woollens are subject in Ireland, on a fair average value of the whole export, to about five and a half per cent ad valorem; and yet the Irish market takes our woollens to the amount of 6×6,000l. a year. Our cotton goods pay a duty in the Irish ports of 91. 18s. 5d. per cent ad valorem; and yet the value of our cottons imported into Ireland is about 70,000l. a year. But the instance of leather manufactured and tanned is still more remarkable. We bring the chief raw materials from Ireland, charged there with an export duty, and we prepare it and send it back to Ireland, to the annual amount of 152,000l. It is subject to an import duty, paid there, of nearly 10 per cent ad valorem. We are, nevertheless, able to enter into competition with Ireland even in her own market, though she possesses the raw material, and though we supply her with tanner's bark free of all duty.

I will not detain your lordships farther in the discussion of articles which, it is evident, would not be sent to us even if

I now come to the exported manufactures of Ireland, which are nearly com. prised in the single article of linen. I am content to take the valuation as it is given in the papers before us (1s. 5d. per yard), though I believe it to be below the true average price. It appears then, by the accounts on your table, that, in the last three years, the annual import of Irish linens (being thirty-seven millions of yards) amounted to 2,600,000.; to which may be added linen- -yarn, the valuation of which was 243,000l. In the accounts of the Irish Custom-house, the annual export of Irish linens to all the world, is stated at about forty millions of yards, and seven-eighths of the whole, or thirtyfive millions, are taken by Great Britain and her colonies, Such is the quantity and proportion imported for British consumption, free of duty, and under favour of a protecting duty equal to 25 per cent imposed on the linen of all other countries! and whatever part of that quantity is not

might give to our home-made linens should occasion a decrease in the general import.

Such are the effects of our liberality towards Ireland in this important manufacture, which constitutes in value nearly one-half of the Irish exports to all the world. And there now lies on that table a bill, which we are passing, to continue our bounties on Irish linens. And yet, a few weeks ago, the following phrases were gravely addressed, by an eminent person (Mr. Foster) to the county of Louth:-" In truth, I see much danger, and a probable decrease of our trade and manufactures, from the measure of a legislative union, and I cannot conceive any advantage to them from it. If the linen manufacture rests at all on any compact, that compact was made with the Irish parliament; the extinction of which takes away a security we had found adequate, and leaves it without the protec tion of its natural guardians, who, by their vigilance, their regulations, and their bounties, have more than doubled its exports within a few years. As an Irishman, then, I should oppose the measure."

consumed in England, is exported to other countries by the aid of British credit and of a British bounty. How far this system may be beneficial to England; whether the duties on linens from the continent, with a total exemption in favour of Ireland, have tended to increase the restraints in foreign countries upon our manufactures; and whether, if the Russian and German linens were less discouraged by us, a larger demand for our woollens and cottons would not take place in return; are questions of great moment, which I am not now solicitous to discuss. The beneficial effects of such a system, with respect to Ireland at least, are not equivocal, and may be traced in the printed Report of the late Board of Trade in 1780. It appears, in that Report, that the linen manufactures of Ireland have been gradually raised to their present flourishing state, and are still rising in prosperity, solely by the operation and effect of British care and encouragement. The import into Great Britain in 1743, when the present system commenced, was 6,418,000 yards; in 1773, it was 17,876,000 yards; in 1783, 21,000,000 yards; and in 1798, 37,000,000 yards. The export, with bounty, in 1743, was 40,900 yards; in 1773, 2,832,000 yards; and in 1798, 6,400,000 yards. The foreign linens, in 1743, were three-fourths of our whole import; at pre-tures. But I perfectly understand, and, sent, they are only one-fourth.

But here, my lords, I think it just and necessary to remark, that by our actual system we are subjecting ourselves to one or two disadvantages; either to an increase of price equal to about 25 per cent on the value, which falls on the consumer: or, to a proportionate loss of revenue-and that the amount (being 25 per cent on 2,600,000l.) is, in either case, 650,000l. For a moment's reflexion will show, that if the foreign linens, charged as they are with a duty of 25 per cent, can come into competition with the Irish, which are duty free, those same foreign manufactures would soon be able to supply all our demand, and might be consumed at 25 per cent below the present price, if they were relieved from duty as the Irish are. On the other hand, the Irish linens, if subjected to the foreign duties, must either be furnished by Ireland at 25 per cent below their present price, or be driven out of the market. In this latter case, too, an addition of 650,000l. would be made to our revenue; unless, indeed, the encouragement which such a change

I know nothing of the compact here al luded to; and I am unable to annex any sense to the word "extinction," as applied to the projected union of the two legisla

know, that the annual importation of Irish linens, to the amount of nearly three millions sterling, is a sort of monopoly given to Ireland in the British market; and that the existence and continuance of that monopoly do not depend on the vigilance, regulations, and bounties, of the Irish parliament, but on our liberality, our rẹgulations, and our bounties, and are entirely subject to the gratuitous favour, good will, and dispensations, of the British parliament. It will also be obvious, to the most superficial observer, that if Ireland has obtained and enjoyed these advantages, through the indulgence of the British separate legislature, in despite of any spirit of rivalship or jealousy, she will be more likely to increase than to forfeit them, when she shall be incorporated as a part of the same kingdom, and when Irish representatives shall form a proportion of the united parliament.-In addition to the indulgences which I have described, we have given to Ireland many privileges for the encouragement of her fisheries. We have also relaxed the whole system of our navigation laws, and permit the produce