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no circumstance whatever could alter their allegiance to the King.

It must not be supposed, however, that the Tories, though loud in their professions of unlimited submission, ever seriously meant that they would not resist in an extreme case. They sincerely venerated the laws, and dreaded the subversion of our ancient constitution. Thus whilst they spoke with abhorrence of resistance to their sovereign, their conduct had a direct tendency to produce it. For their silent acquiescence in acts of petty tyranny encouraged the King to proceed to still greater outrages, till at last no remedy was to be found but in a revolution.

The Whigs, on the other hand, by their persevering opposition, acted in a manner to prevent the necessity of the resistance of which they spoke so much.

These parties, it must be owned, have their foundations deep in the opinions of the country. As long as there is a body of men in this country attached to Church and King, more than to the constitution, the Tory party will subsist; and as long as there is a large portion of the people who consider monarchy only as the best protection for liberty, the Whig party will flourish.

CHAP. X.

CHARGE AGAINST THE POPULAR PARTY, OF RECEIVING MONEY FROM FRANCE. ALGERNON SYDNEY.

We have now come to the period at which it is said that the chief members of Opposition were bribed by the French court. I need not inform my readers, that in the dispatches of Barillon, which have been published, there is an account of the sums given to each person. In looking over these lists, which have been so triumphantly brought forward by Dalrymple, the first doubt which arises respects the integrity of Barillon. When we see the characters of Sydney and of Hampden, whose names will always live in the hearts of Englishmen, depreciated upon the authority of a French minister, we naturally enquire whether the witness has any interest in concealing the truth, and whether his character stands equally high with that of the English patriots. In order to answer the first question, we must recollect, that the diplomatic agents of Lewis were permitted, nay almost authorised, to pay themselves out of the money entrusted to their care.

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But if such peculation was ever permitted, it was in no case more likely to happen than in that of Barillon. He had great interest in representing to his master, that the measures of Opposition were guided by him. He saw them resolved to refuse the supplies, and nothing was more easy than to say, that their conduct. was the result of his own intrigues. His connections with the popular party were necessarily secret, and he might put the money in his own pocket, without any fear of detection.

Some passages in Madame de Sevigné's letters give a strong colour to these suspicions. By the first of these he appears to have had a share in the subsidies granted to Charles. In April, 1672*, Madame de Sevigné writes, "Barillon a fait ici un grand sejour; il s'en va, &c. son emploi est admirable cette année; il mangera cinquante mille francs, mais il sait bien ou les prendre." After his final return, she says, "Monsieur de Barillon est riche," + &c.

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The first person who seems to have received money from Barillon ‡ for members of parliament is Coleman. Sir John Dalrymple notices this, and refers us to the "Journals of the House of Commons, Nov. 7th, 1678, where

* 22d April, 1672.
† 21st March, 1689.
I omit Colbert's transactions, which were quite distinct.

Coleman confesses that he got money from Barillon, to be distributed in the House of Com

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mons. Any one would suppose from this passage, that Coleman had so distributed the money. But, strange to say, it appears from the journals, that Coleman, though he received money, and the members of parliament to whom it was to be distributed were pointed out, affirms that he did not distribute it.

This will be seen by the following extract from the Journals of the House of Commons, 7th Nov. 1678.

"Mr. Coleman says, That he received, in the last session, of Monsieur Barillon, two thousand five hundred pounds, which he entrusted him with, to distribute to members of the House of Commons, to prevent a rupture between the two crowns; and that accordingly he had prepared guineas to distribute amongst them, but that he gave none to any member of parliament, but applied them to his own use:

"That the French ambassador demanded an account of the two thousand five hundred pounds; and that he replied he had distributed it to members of the House of Commons, but desired to be excused as to their names: "That about the time of the treaty with

* Dal. App. p. 201.

Monsieur Barillon on this occasion, Monsieur Barillon proposed several members to whom money might be given :

"That to some of them the said Mr. Coleman promised to give it; and told Monsieur Barillon he had done accordingly."

Notwithstanding this confession, some persons may believe that the money was distributed by Coleman, and that he was afraid to own it before the House of Commons. But if he had given it to members of the Opposition, who were at that time the most violent in prosecuting him, it is strange that, before his death at least, he should not have revealed a secret so fatal to them.*

Towards the end of 1678, Barillon formed a connection with Montague, as we have seen, to ruin Lord Danby. By his dispatches of 27th October, 24th November, and 22d December, he appears to have been continually busied in extending this party. He seems, by means of Algernon Sydney, to have had some correspondence with Lord Halifax. But in November 1679, the treaty between the two Kings having been broken off, he received orders from

*Whatever difference of opinion may arise on this point, there can be none with regard to the candour and honesty of Sir John Dalrymple.

VOL. I.

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