In attending to your decifions and judgments on fome important caufes, I have, fometimes, thought, you were led aftray, even by your genius.

In government, as in common life, we, often, regulate our meafures by the opinions we entertain of thofe, whom they may concern. Some of thofe opinions we form, by fuppofing ourselves in their fituation; and others, by delineating, in imagination, fuch characters as, we think, will fuit them.

I need not point out, to your lordfhip, the errors, to which a man of genius, is peculiarly liable, in forming his opinion. The difference is fo great between him, and the perfons he is to reprefent, or to delineate; that it is extremely difficult to make the deductions and allowances which are proper for them.

The man, who knows most of mankind, is not, always, the man of genius; but, often, the man of, merely, common sense; whose talents are thofe, which are poffeffed by, almoft, the whole fpecies ; and who judges rightly, because he judges of others by himself. Hence the diftinction of genius and common fenfe: hence the numerous mistakes of the former; and the safe and unerring judgments of the latter.

·

.

But this advantage of common fenfe, genius might make all its own, while it remained in poffeffion of those peculiar privileges, which nature had given it. Every laborious drudge, in every fcience, was defigned, by providence, for its fervice. He toils, in the fields of knowledge, and gathers ftores, which he has not capacity to improve for any benefit to mankind. The materials, thus collected :- -the man of genius has, only, to put out his hand; and he becomes, in, almoft, any way he pleafes, a bleffing to the world.

Could I imagine, that my allufions would appear fo apt, and be fo easily applied, as those which I have, often, heard from your lordship, it would not be neceffary to explain what I mean.-That you may have been led into mistakes, in your opinions of the people" of this country, and in the counfels, you are fuppofed to have given to fome of its governors: not, because you are inferior, in underftanding, to any one of it, but, perhaps, becaufe, you have not taken the pains to estimate the merit of that people: that you cannot come at a perfect knowledge of them, only, by philofophical reflection, or the most ingenious attention to the litigious, and the criminal; but, likewife, by condefcending to receive information from others, whom you may, juftly, think much inferior to yourself.

I believe your lordship will admit, that the body of the people, throughout his majefty's dominions, is in a state of diforder. It is the general opinion, that a fyftem of adminiftration has been, for fome time, taken up and purfued, unfriendly to the liberties of the kingdom. You may affect to despise those who pretend to fupport fuch an opinion: My Lord-the people are the best judges in many political questions: they feel all the effects of public measures; and, fometimes, they alone, can tell, whether they are proper or not.

The government must be faulty, when the people are unhappy. This is a maxim in policy never to be difputed.

It

It may be faid, The people are their own enemies; and spurn thofe advantages which are defigned for them by a wife adminiftration. My Lord, it is, almoft, impoffible that this can ever be the

cafe.

It is actually faid, that we have fo far loft our virtue, that we are incapable of liberty; and, therefore, that our legislatare, or miniftry will do well to change our form of government. I hope; nay, I believe, that this is not true. This kingdom acquired its liberty and greatnefs, as others have done, by induftry, and by ftruggling against oppreflion; and, as they have loft, it will lofe, it by luxury and corruption. But, as every ftate has had fome peculiar circumftances which haftened or retarded its rise, so it may have those which will haften or retard its diffolution. These are often concealed from common obfervation: they are not, always, known to men of the greatest penetration: and they render falfe fome of our most probable conjectures concerning the events of a community.

But, my Lord, if fuch an opinion, could be maintained, would the inference, be made for any administration, that was not highly wicked? Every man, who avails himself of the misfortune of his country, to increase that misfortune, and to haften its ruin, is, clearly, a public enemy. The great offices of government are filled up by men, not in order to watch for any opportunities to distress; but to guard the interefts, and to promote the happiness of the people.

I need not tell your lordship, why government takes place; why fuch a number of appointments are made of great dignity and profit: not for the fake of thofe by whom they are immediately enjoyed; but of thofe, who bear the expence of them, and who are affected by all the actions of the perfons who fill them up. I prefume, it could never enter your imagination, that you were born a chief juftice; that the dignity of that office was annexed to your perfon; and that its emoluments arofe out of your patrimony. My Lord, you are one of the first magiftrates of the people of England; and your highest duty on earth, is to that people :-you may fhew that duty in a manner that will immortalize your name, and make you happy to the laft moments of your existence. Save your country, my Lord: it is in your power: it is not, too late, for you: forget what is paft: forgive any offences against you; they are not objects for the attention of your mind: turn it to those which are worthy of you; turn it to the ftate of your country; every difficulty in our affairs would give way to your understanding, and your eloquence.

You might realize a fcene, that muft, often, have prefented itself to your imagination:-An extenfive, opulent empire, disjoined by inteftine broils; corrupted by its opulence; and on the brink of deftruction: a conftitution, the work of ages; the price of blood; and the admiration of the world-reftored by a vigorous exertion of your diftinguished abilities:-A people, divided in itfelf; venal, corrupt, licentious; diftracted by dangers on every fide, and driven, almoft, to defpair, by a wicked adminiftration:-foothed into har mony and peace; and brought into fecurity and happiness, by your wisdom, and public fpirit:-Can you, my Lord, let fuch a fcene pass through your mind, without enjoying a pleafure, fuperior to any

D 3

any thing you have ever experienced from the favour of a prince, or the honours aud emoluments that may have long courted you?Despise these little things; convince the world, in fpite of its illnature, that you are, indeed, the great man :-forgive your enemies; and fave your country.'

Of what is here advanced, men will think differently according to their different principles: but certainly fome of the Author's obfervations are by no means uncontrovertible, even when laid down with the moft confidential air. That the government must be faulty when the people are unhappy' is not a maxim fo abfolute, or fo unexceptionable as he apprehends it to be. Does not the hiftory of almost every state furnish us with inftances of public difcontents diffeminated by -the artifices of ambitious men, who, fo far from adminiftring any part of the government, fought only to rife to power by means of the uneafinefs they had excited? No one acquainted with the cabals of Eastern courts, with the annals of 'the more liberal ftates of Greece or Rome, with the hiftory of our own country, perhaps we may be unfortunate enough to fay, of our own times, can be doubtful of this.

The pamphlet itfelf is a dialogue between a Philofopher, a Courtier, and a Whig. The Courtier and the Whig, who, by fome ftrange turn of affairs, happen, even under the present eftablishment, to be of different fides, affert, with violence, thir respective principles. The Philofopher acts as moderator, and, what is no very difficult matter, finds fault with both. His obfervations on the conftitution we fhall give, as not the leaft valuable part of his work:

I have read,' fays he, the hiftory of England, as many fpeculative men have done, with a view to find out, in some remote times, the great outlines of that conftitution, which the friends of liberty have written and spoken of, with fo much refpect and admiration. I need not tell you, that I was greatly difappointed. I found my renowned ancestors, like thofe of other men, ignorant, brutal, and favage. In this ftate they had, probably, ever been, when Julius Cæfar attempted to get poffeffion of their country. What he has faid of their courage, and love of liberty, we have had, a thousand times, repeated, from the commendable pride of their pofterity. I fuppofe, there can be no doubt of their courage: it is the character of favages; and it becomes fury when their perfonal liberty, and their lives are attempted. This love of liberty, and averfion to conquest, I have the fame admiration of, in them, which I have of a fimilar affection in the inhabitants of America: and I read of their defeats and ill treatment with regret. But I can find no more of the English conftitution among them, than in the rude principles and practices of any other uncivilized barbarians.

It is in vain to look for it, while the Romans continued here and the Picts ravaged the country.

When the Saxons had butchered the greatest part of the inhabitants, and had fixed the feats of their dominion fo as to command,

almoft,

almost, the whole island, they introduced their own forms of government; and, we may fuppofe, with little or no regard to the inftitu tions of a people, which they had, nearly, exterminated. Here our philofophical politicians have fixed their ftandards; and difputed, almost every line of the hiftory, for their refpective fchemes of English government. If you believe their accounts, each of them has gained the victory. My opinion is, that if, by any fatality, we had been bound, for ever, to the fyftems of those times; the parties for which both are advocates, would have been fufferers in their favourite interests: the king, would have been more confined than he is in his power; and the people, in the enjoyment of liberty. However, from what we know of the customs of those times; and the codes of fome of their kings; we can affirm, the government was not a fimple monarchy; and that the people, in various divifions, and by deputations, had a great share in the appointment and execution of public bufinefs. But we do not, in my opinion, find that perfect, glorious model, which the advocates for liberty call our ancient conftitution; and of which, many of them feem to apprehend, that very few traces remain in our prefent vitiated and corrupted one.

We are not to look for this, in the first, or in any age of the Norman government. The innovations then made, were unfavourable to liberty; and the people were little better than flaves; until magna charta was obtained; which we may confider as the first ftone of our present establishment. Their circumftances were fomething improved, at that time, and by the regulations of Henry the Seventh. The reformation, though it increased for a time the power of the crown, gave rife to a fpirit of enquiry, and difquifition; and laid the foundation of that knowledge, to which all our institutions, ever fince, have been much indebted.

In the unhappy reigns of the Stuarts; and, at the revolution, the people were in a ftate to contend for their liberties, upon, almoft, equal ground: and they claimed them, as the privileges of their antient conftitution. Hence, their petitions, and bills of rights; and their demands on the crown, in various forms. In every fubfequent conteft, the advocates of liberty, have infifted principally on their original rights; and referred to an antient conftitution, in which these rights were afcertained. But I cannot help thinking, that they were mistaken: and, if they had managed the dispute in another way; though, at the time, they had not gained fo much upon the crown; yet they would have opened a field for their fuc ceffors, where they would have contended with much greater advantages.' WHIG.

You seem to me to deny us our liberties; or, at leat, the propriety of pleading our right to them.'

PHILOSOPHER.

Have a little patience, Sir;-I will explain myself.

'I cannot help thinking, that they were mistaken; not, in pleading their right to liberty; but in refting it, principally, on foundations, which were not, always, to be found; and which would not be of fuch confequence as they made it, whether they were to be found or not.

One of the greatest political errors, committed by mankind, has, been their adherence, at all events, to the original principles of their government. They appear to think that thofe principles were laid down by the Almighty; and that they were, for ever, to accommodate themselves to them, however inconvenient they might prove to be.' COURTIER.

But, without that adherence, no government could, long, fubfift: where fome plan is not drawn, and fome principles given, we are at an uncertainty, and have nothing, to which we can refer our measures.'

PHILOSOPHER.

I am far from wifhing, that men may be left without principles to refer themselves to, in their political measures. But I blame them for adhering to thofe principles, indifcriminately, which were laid down, in the rude ftate of fociety; when the faculties of men were but little improved, and their rights but little understood.

I have found it a fruitlefs, and not very fignificant employment, to enquire into the methods, by which men came to form themfelves into focieties. Their, general, reafon is implanted in nature; and their views, whether tacit or declared, are those of fecurity and happiness. Every ftate, however, may have had, particular, reafons and views arising from its own circumftances. When the community is formed, the beft regulations, in the opinion of the legislators, are determined upon, for its welfare; and, fomething like a fyftem of government is sketched out. This fyftem will be adapted to the circumftances in which the people were brought together. We will suppose it to be the best in that cafe: yet, when thofe circumftances are no more, the fyftem will cease to be proper, or perhaps, ufeful.

If we might imagine a multitude of reasonable, and independent people, met with a view of entering into society, their system would approach as near to perfection as any which man can invent; and be productive of the highest liberty, which he is formed to enjoy. But if we should fuppofe many of the people unreasonable; and any influence exerted by men of felfifh, and ambitious defigns; their plan would be defective, and their liberty abridged, in proportion to the degrees of that folly, and that influence.

If we should fuppofe an army, or banditti, fettled in a conquered country,-the general origin of communities, and governments; their civil conftitution would refemble their military difcipline; and be better formed for fecurity and conqueft, than for civil liberty and happinefs. But, as the rights of an individual, are not affected by, accidental circumftances, attending his coming into the world; no more are, thofe of a community, by any circumstances attending its formation, and firft exiftence. Both may labour under difadvantages, from the peculiar circumstances attending thofe events; but their natural, unalienable rights cannot be fet aside: and, it is the duty of the one and the other, to remove those difadvantages, and to improve their condition as much as poffible.

The fate of fociety, fhould be confidered as a state of progreffion, from fmaller degrees of civil liberty and happiness to greater;

and