either with the English or with the Mahrattas ; he stated that he would greatly prefer the former to the latter; but added, that if the English rejected him, he must, as a matter of self-preservation, throw himself into the arms of the Peshwah. From these views he never deviated; and the defensive alliance into which he enveigled M. Du Prè as completely realized them as if a different form of words had been employed. It was of an attack from the Mahrattas that he had just cause to be afraid; he therefore gained his end so soon as he had bound the English to assist him in repelling it.

Hyder has been accused, and with too much justice, of violating the terms on which many forts capitulated during the war. He did so; but unfortunately he found in one of the forts which fell, an English officer, a Captain Robinson, who had given his parole not long previously, and been set at liberty. Had Hyder put the individual to death, and kept faith with his companions, the proceeding would have been unquestionably more to his honour; but let us not forget, that Hyder received his education in a school where nice principles of honour are not recognized. Besides, he had too much reason to believe that the culprit was not unsanctioned in his guilt by the government under which he acted. But, however this may be, the instances in question appear as exceptions rather than as the rule, for Hyder is acknowledged, in his general character, to have been as ostentatious of good faith, as he was prompt in seizing a pretence for its violation.

If we look again to the conduct of the English,

we shall find it characterised by a mixture of arrogance and incapacity, such as can rarely be paralleled. Of Colonel Smith, military historians speak respectfully. They describe him as a man cool in danger, and sagacious in meeting an emergency; but the organization of his army (for which he was not accountable) must be admitted to have been as defective, as the system followed in directing it was absurd. Colonel Smith, moreover, laboured under a weakness, destructive, in a great degree, of almost every other military talent. He was apt to follow the advice of others, even when his own better judgment stood opposed to it; and hence, in the very commencement of his career, he fell into errors, such as he never afterwards found an opportunity to redress. Of the appointment of field-deputies, again, with all its consequences, it is unnecessary to say anything; while the haughtiness with which Hyder's early attempts at pacification were repelled, could be equalled only by the cowardice which permitted him to dictate his own terms at last. The truth however is, that, as yet, the English in India neither knew their own strength, nor were aware of the proper means of exerting it; and hence they were as easily depressed by misfortune, no matter from what source it might originate, as they were apt to be elated by success.

The preliminaries of peace were no sooner signed, than Hyder returned to his army, which he laid up for refreshment in Bangalore, while the English applied themselves to remedy the .evils which the invasion of their territory had occasioned.

CHAPTER X.

State of affairs in Bengal—Changes in the Company's government by the act of 1773—Hastings's early administration-View of the system of internal administration—The emperor returns to Delhi-The Mahrattas threaten Rohilcund-The Vizier and the English oppose them The Vizier turns his army against the Rohillas—Allahabad and Corah sold to him by Hastings-The Rohillas subdued.

WHILE these important matters were in progress under the Presidency of Fort St. George, the more northern provinces experienced a total exemption from external danger and internal anarchy. Several changes occurred, it is true, in the persons of the nominal rulers. In 1766, the Nabob, Nizam ul Dowla, died, and was succeeded by his brother, Syeff ul Dowla, a youth sixteen years of age; while, in 1770, Syeff being attacked by the small-pox, made way, in his turn, for the elevation of a brother still younger, Mubarick ul Dowla. Such revolutions, however, had long ceased to affect, in any degree, the tranquillity of the provinces. Indeed, it was only by the arrival of a despatch from the Court of Directors, requiring the pecuniary allowance of the minor Soubahdar to be curtailed, that either the natives or the English were made to feel that the musnud had

received a new occupant. With respect again to the affairs of the Company, these continued to be conducted almost after the fashion which had characterized their administration for some time previously. There came out, from time to time, summary directions that the inland trade, especially in salt, betel, and tobacco, should be left to the natives; and the local government, after exercising ample delay, saw reason to submit; but to the repeated demands for increased treasure, and the repeated protestations against drafts upon the court at home, no attention was paid. Thus passed the three years, in which Mr. Verelst, Lord Clive's successor, filled the president's chair; and when he resigned it, in December, 1770, to Mr. Cartier, profound tranquillity prevailed throughout Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa.

Meanwhile, the anomalous relation in which the Company stood towards both the Government and people of Great Britain, began to excite no slight share of attention in all circles. Notice has already been taken of the measures which parliament esteemed it necessary to adopt, for the purpose of establishing a right of control over both the revenues and territorial management of India; nor did it appear that the legislature was inclined to limit its interference with the period of time specified in the act. Before the 1st of February, 1769, arrived, the affairs of India became again a subject of Parliamentary investigation; and it required all the management of the Company, which had now become an influential body in the community, to secure their chartered privileges, or what they considered as such, against

invasion. In April of the same year, however, a bill was passed, which secured to the Company a further enjoyment of the revenues of India during five years longer, on condition that the Company would continue the contribution to the state of 400,000l., and export annually articles of British manufacture to the amount of 300,000l., and upwards. Nevertheless, the perfect right of Parliament to interfere in the regulation of the Company's dividends was asserted; and the amount, to be paid under circumstances particularly noticed, was specified. To all this the Company submitted, if not with perfect cheerfulness, at least without repining. But the period was approaching when still greater sacrifices than these behoved to be made. The Court, indignant at the overthrow of those hopes of wealth, which they, in common with the proprietors, had of late been taught to encourage, determined on sending out a commission for the purpose of inquiring on the spot; and had actually named the individuals who were to compose it, when, to their amazement, the government interposed. It was asserted by the minister, that the Company possessed no right to effect any change whatever in the government of the provinces; and that, if such were intended, it rested with him to order it, as well as to take a share in it, when arranged. Nor was this all. In reply to an application from the Court for the assistance of a squadron of king's ships, it was required that the commodore should be vested with full powers of acting as the representative of his sovereign in all transactions between the Company and the native princes, which had any reference to mari