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of Neceflity, than her Nature ; for she had many Layings out, and as her Wars were lafting, fo their Charge increased to the last Period. And I am of Opinion with Sir Walter Rawleigh, that those many brave Men of her Times, and of the Militix, talted little more of her Bounty, than in her Grace and good Word with their due Entertainement, for the ever payd the Souldiers well, which was the Honour of her Times, and more than her great Adversary of Spaine could performe: so that when we come to the Consideration of her Frugality, the Observation will be little more, than that her. Bounty and it were To woven together, that the one was stayned by an honorable Way of sparting.

The Irish Action we may call a Mallady, and a Consumption of her Times, for it accompanied her to her End, and it was of fo profuse and vast Expence, that it drew neare unto a Distemperature of State, and of Passion in herselfe, for towards her last, she grew somewhat hard to please her Armies, being accustomed to Prosperity, and the Irish Prosecution not answering her Expectation, and her wonted Successe, for it was a good while an unthrifty, and inauspicious War, which did much disturb, and mislead her Judgment; and the more, for that it was a President taken out of her owne Patterne?

For as the Queene by Way of Division, had at her Coming to the Crowne, supported the revolted States of Holland, so did the King of Spaine turne the Tricke upon her felfe towards her going out, by cherishing the Irish Rebellion, where it falls into Consideration, what the State of this Kingdome, and the Crowne Revenues were then able to indure and embrace.

If we looke into the Establishments of thote Times with the best of the Irish Army, counting the Defeatures of Blackwater, with all the precedent Expences, as it stood from my Lord of Essex, his Undertaking of the Surrender of King sale, and the Generall Mountjoy; and somewhat after we shall find the Horse and Foote Troopes were for 3 or 4 Yeares together much about 20000, besides the Navall Charge which was a Dependant of the fame War, in that the Queene was then enforced to keepe in continuall Pay a strong Fleete at Sea, to attend the Spanish Coasts and Parts both to allarum the Spaniards, and to intercept the Forces, designed for the Irish Afittance ; fo that the Charge of that War alone did cost the Queene three hundred thousand Pounds per Annum at least, which was not the Moiety of her other Disburfements, and Expences, which without the publique Aydes the State and the royall Receipts, could not have much longer endured ; which out of her owne frequent Letters and Complaints to the Deputy Mountjoy, for casheering of that Lift as soone as he could, might be collected, for the Queene was then driven into a Straite.

We are naturally prone to applaude the Times behinde us, and to vilifie the present; for the Concurrene of her Fame carries it to this Day, how royally and victoriously she lived and dyed without the Grudge and Grievance of her People, yet the Truth may appeare without Retraction from the Honour of fo great a Princesse. It is manifest she left more Debts unpayd, taken upon Credit of her Privy-Seales, than her Progenitors did or could have


taken up that were an 100 Yeares before her, which was no inferiour Peece of State to lay the Burthen on that House which was beft able to beare it at a dead Lift, when neither her Receipts could yield her Reliefe, at the Pinch, nor the Urgencie of her Affayres endure the Delayes of Parliamentary Asistance, and for such Aydes it is likewise apparant, that the received more, and that with the Love of her People, than any two of her Predecessors, that tooke most, which was a Fortune strayned out of the Subjects, through the Plausibilitie of her Comportment, and (as I would say without Offence) the prodigall Distribution of her Grace to all Sorts of Subjects; for I beleeve no Prince living, that was so tender of Honour, and so exactly stood for the Preservation of Soveraigntie, was so great a Courtier of the People, yea of the Commons, and that stooped and declined lowe in presenting her Person to the publique View, as she passed in her Progresse and Perambulations, and in her Ejaculations of her Prayers on the People.

And truely though much may be written in Praise of her Providence, and good Husbandry, in that she could upon all good Occasions abate her Magnanimitie, and therewith comply with the Parliament, and so alwaies come off, both with Honour, and Profit, yet must we ascribe fome Part of the Commendation to the Wisdome of the Times, and the Choyce of Parliamentmen, for I fayd not that they were at any Time given to any violent or pertinacious Dispute, the Elections being made of grave and discreet Persons, not factious and ambitious of Fame, such as came not to the House with a malevolent Spirit of Contention, but with a Preparation to consult on the publique Good, and rather to comply than to contest with Majesty, neither dare I finde that the House was weakned and pestered through the Admission of too many young Heades, as it hath beene of latter Times, which remembers me of the Recorder Martin's Speech, about the Truth of our late Soveraigne Lord King James, when there were Accompts taken of forty Gentlemen, not above twenty, and some not exceeding fixteen Years of Age, which made him to say, that it was the antient Custome for old Men to make Lawes for young Ones but there he saw the Cafe altered, and that there were Children in the great Councell of the Kingdome, which came to invade and invert Nature, and to enact Lawes to governe their Fathers, such were in the House alwaies, and tooke the common Cause into Consideration, and they say the Queene had many Times just Cause, and Need enough to use their Asistance, neither do I remember that the House did ever capitulare, or preferre their private Interest to the publique, and the Queene's Necessities, but waited their Times, and in the first Place gave their Supply, and according to the Exigence of her Affaires, yer failed not at the last to attaine what they desired, fo that the Queene and her Parliaments had ever the good Fortunes to depart in Love, and on reciprocall Termes, which are considerations that have not beene so exactly observed in our last Assemblies. And I would to God they had beene for considering the great Debts left on the King, and into what Incombrances the House it felfe had then drawn him, his Majesty was not well used, though I lay not the Blame on the whole Suffrage of the House, where he had many good Friends, for I dare avouch it, had the House been freed of halfe a


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Dozen popular and discontented Persons, such as with the Fellow that burnt the Temple of Ephesus, would be talked of, though for doing of Mischiefe, I am confident the King had obtained that which in Reason, and at his first Occasion he ought to have received freely and without Condition. But pardon this Digression, which is here remembred not in Way of Aggravation, but in true Zeale of the publique Good, and presented in Caveat of future Times; for I am not ignorant how the Genius and Spirit of the Kingdome now moves to make his Majesty amends, on any Occasion, and how desirous the Subject is to expiate that Offence at any Rate; may it please his Majesty to make Triall of his Subjects Affections, and at what Prise they value now his Goodnesse and Magnanimitie.

But to our Purpose: The Queene was not to learne that, as the Strength of the Kingdome consisted in the Multitude of the Subjects; fo the Securitie of her Person consisted and rested in the Love and Fidelitie of her People, which she pollitiquely affects (as it hath been thought) some what beneath the Height of her naturall Spirit and Magnanimitie.

Moreover it will be a true Note of her Providence, that she would alwaies listen to her Profit : for she would not refuse the Information of the meanest Personages, which proposed Improvement, and had learnt the Philosophie of (Hoc agere) to looke unto her owne Worke: of which there is a notable Example of one Carmarden an under. Officer of the Custome house, who observing his Time, presented her with a Paper, shewing how he was abused in the under-renting of the Customs, and therewith humbly desired her Majesty to conceale him, for that it did concerne two or three of her great Counsellors whom Customer Smith had bribed with 2000 l, a Man, so to loose the Queene 20000 l. per Annum ; which being made knowne to the Lords, they gave strict Order that Carmarthen should not have accesfe to the back Scaires ; but at last her Majesty smelling the Craft, and missing Carmarthen, The sent for him back, and incouraged him to stand to his Information, which the poore Man did so hansomly, that within the Space of cen Yeares he was brought to double his Rent, or leave the Custome to new Farmers : fo thac we may take this also in Consideration, that there were of the Queene's Councel which were not in the Catalogue of Saints.

Now as we have taken a View of some particular Motives of her Times, her Nature and Necessities: It is not without the Text to give a short Touch of the Helps and Advantages of her Raigne, which were not without Parolles ; for she had neither Husband, Brother, Sister, nor Children to provide for, who as they are Dependants on the Crowne, so do they necessarily draw Lively.hood from thence, and oftentimes exhaust and drawe deepe, especially when there is an ample Fraternity Rayall, and of the Princes of the Blood, as it was in the Time of Ed. III. and Hen. IV. for when the Crowne cannot, the publique ought honourable Allowance, for they are the Honour and Hopes of the Kingdome, and the publique which enjoyes them hath the like Interest with the Father which begat them, and our Common Law, which is the Inheritance of the Kingdome, did ever of old provide Aydes for the primo genitus, and the eldest Daughters for that the Multiplicitie of Courts,


and the great Charges which necessarily followes, a King, a Queené, al Prince; and Royall Ifue, was a Thing which was not in rerum natura, during the Space of

44 Yeares ; but worne out of Memory, and without the Consideration of the present Times, insomuch as the Aydes given to the late and right noble Prince Henry, and to his Sister, the Lady Elizabeth, which were at first generally received as Impositions for Knight-hood, though an ancient Law fell also into che Imputation of a Tax of Nobilitie, for that it lay long covered in the Embers of Division, betweene the Houses of Yorke and Lancaster, and forgotten or connived at by the succeeding Princes; so that the Strangenesse of the Observation, and the Difference of those latter Raignes, is that the Queene tooke up much beyond the Power of Law, which fell not into the Murmur of People, and her Successors nothing but by Warrant of the Law, which neverthelesse was received through Disuse to be injurious to the Libertie of the Kingdom.

Now, before I come to any mention of her Favorites, for hitherto I have delivered but some oblivious Passages, thereby to prepare and smooth a Way for the rest that followes.

It is necessary that I touch on the Religiousnesse of the others Raigne, I meane the Body of her Sister's Counsell of State, which she retained intirely, neither removing, nor discontenting any, although she knew them averse to her Religion, and in her Sister's Time, perverse to her Person, and privie to all her Troubles, and Imprisonments.

A Prudence which was incompatible to her Sister's Nature, for the both diffipated, and presented the Major Pare of her Brother's Counsell; but this will be of certaine, that how complyable and obsequious foever she found them, yet for a good Space she made little Use of their Counsells, more than in the ordinary Course of the Board, for she had a dormant Table in her owne privy-brest, yet she kept them together, and in their Places, without any fuddaine Change ; so that we may say of them, that they were then of the Court, not of the Counsell; for whileft she amazed them by a kind of promissive Disputation concerning the Points controverted by both Churches; The did ser downe her owne Ghefts without their Privity, and made all their Progressions, Gradations, but for that the Tenents of her Secrets, with the Intents of Establishments were pitched before it was knowne where the Court would sit downe.

Neither do I finde that any of her Sister's Counsell of State were either repugnant to her Religion, or opposed her Doings. Englefeild Master of the Wardes excepted, who withdrew himselfe from the Board, and shortly after out of her Dominions ; so pliable and obedient they were to change with the Times, and their Prince; and of them will fall a Relation of Recreation: Pawlet Marquesle of Winchester, and Lord Treasurer, had ferved then four Princes in as various and changeable Times and Seasons, that I may well say, no Time nor Age hath yeelded the like President : this Man being noted to grow high in her Favor (as his place and Experience required) was questioned by an intimate Friend of his, how hee had stood up for 30 Yeares together, amidit the Change and Ruines of fo many Chancellors, and great Personages; why,


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quoth the Marquesse

, Ortus fum e salice, non ex quercu, I am made of pliable Willow, not of the stubborne Oake? And truely it seemes the old Man had taught them all, especially William Earle of Pembrooke, for they two were alwaięs of the King Religion, and alwaies zealous Professors : of these it is fayd, that being both younger Brothers, yet of noble Houses, they spent what was left them, and came on grust to the Court, where upon the bare Scocke of their Wits they began to traffique for themselves, and prospered so well, that they got, spent, and left more than any Subjects from Normans Conquest, to their owne Times: whereupon it hath beene pretily spoken, that they lived in a Time of Diffolution.

To conclude then, of all the former Raigne, it is sayd, that those two lived, and died, chiefly in her Grace and Favor, by the Letter written uppon his Sonns Marriage with the Lady Catharine Gray; he had like utterly to have lost himselfe, but at the Instant of Consummation, as apprehending the Unsafety, and Danger of Intermarriage with the Blood Royall, he fell at the Queene's Feet, where he both acknowledged his Presumption, and projected the Cause, and the Divorce together; so quick he was at his Worke, that in the Time of Repudiation of the fayd Lady Gray, he clapt up a Marriage for his Son, the Lord Herbert, with Mary Sidney, Daughter to Sir Henry Sidney, then Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Blow falling on Edward the late Earle of Hartford, who to his Costs tooke up the divorced Lady, of whom the Lord Beauchampe was borne, and William now Earle of Hartford, is descended.

I come now to present them to her owne Election, which were either admitted to her Secrets of State, or tooke into her Grace and Favor, of whom in Order I crave leave to give unto Posteritie, a cautious Description, with a short Character, or Draught, of the Persons themselves; for without Offence to others, I would be true to my felfe, their Memories, and Merits, distinguishing those of Militiæ, from the Togati ; and of both these she had as many, and those as able Ministers, as had any of her Progenitors.



T will be out of Doubt, that my Lord of Leicester was one of the first whom

she made Master of the Horse, hee was the youngest Sonne then living of the Duke of Northumberland, beheaded primo Maria, and his Father was that Dudley which our Histories couple with Empson: and both be much infamed for the Caterpillars of the Common.wealth, dureing the Raigne of Henry the Seventh, who being of a noble Extract, was executed the first Yeare of Henry the Eighth, but not thereby so extinct, but that he left a plentifull Estate, and such a Sonne, who as the Vulgar speakes, it would live without a Teate ; for out of the Ashes of his Father's Infamy he rose to be a Duke, and as high as Subjection could permit, or Soveraigntie indure, and though he could not find out any Appellation to assume the Crowne in his owne Person : yet he projected, and very nearely effected it for his Sonne Guilbert by Entermariage with the Lady Jane Gray, and so by that Way to bring it into his Loynes.


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