Triennall Parliament, wherewith the People have beene as ftrongly affected, as if they had beene delivered from Peft or Famine; or had received the Spoiles of most important Conqueft: by this Meanes they refolve to hammer us fo flat, that Wee fhall never fet up our Heads, nor bud againe.

If ever Affliction could awake the Sonnes and Daughters of the Romane Church, 'tis now, when the angry Winds are let loofe from the Corners of the Earth. Wee have not indeed flept our Time here, but practifed very laboriously, and according as the Churches Exigency did call us to a double Care, fo likewife have We attempted all Expediencies for deluding the Purpofes of our Enemies, and ftrengthning our felves. We have ftretched our Wit, and studied fitting Policies in all the Latitude of a Catholick Confcience ; there remaines nothing in the Treasure of Invention which We have not follicited, and now in thefe bleeding Times with greater Strength of Wit; but I know not what has interpofed betwixt your Holineffe's Influence, and a good Effect: fome thing of late has made Obftructions in the effectuall Derivations of your Apoftolick Benedictions; all has proved unprofitable: And (not to offend your Holineffe) I feare leaft the Tyde of your Sorrowes be but yet growing; for whereas Wee have ever magnified, and exalted Tradition above the Scripture, yet we know not how to faften on these Impostures, for they adhere so close to their Scriptures, in their Reafons, and Opinions, that fooner may you divorce the Light from the Sun, than pull them from their grand Purpose of flighting the Traditions and Cuftomes of the Romish Church with as much Difdaine, as we neglect the Alchoran; and ever when they oppone Scripture to our Traditions, We know not what to fay, and have not bin acquainted with other Authority than the Churches: therefore your Holineffe would doe well to hearken to this, and confider that the Times in Likelyhood are comming, when the Scriptures (which have bin fo highly efte med by the Simplicity of that pretended Religion) will bee the Rule of Faith, and Church Government, and overthrow our Subtilties: I hope your Holineffe, as the great Ghoftly Father of the Church, will fee that your Building be firmely feated upon permanent Foundations; for if they be not fure and able for all Affaults, it may happly fall, and crush us all: And I affure your Holineffe, if your Affronts encreafe, your Strength do not convalefce, and this bad Fortune of the Miter continue, a pannick Feare will invade all your devoted Kings, Princes, and Cardinals; they will betake them to the strongest Side, and leave you in the Mire.

It is now therefore high Time to fummon up all that is Vertue about you; what ever any of the great Monarches of the Church could doe, let it now appeare by your Power moft eminently difplayed: your Holineffe would doe well to call a Counfell, and confult with Heaven, and learne how to stop thefe Hereticks Mouthes; convince them of the Truth, and heape Coales on their Heads: Seeke out the End of thefe Troubles, that afflict the World; for it is indeed to be feared, if Herefie become fo infolent, and fwell with fo good Fortune, that fhortly their Truth fhall fhine glorious as the Sun, and become as it were the Idole of the World, extinguifhing the Life of our Mifteries, under which Wee have had fuch Halcyonian Dayes.

Since then all the Fabrick of our Religion, the ftanding of the Apofto lick Empire, and all that is deare and fplendid to the Glory of the Miter is now fhaking, rife up from your Throne, put to your faving Hand to the Helme, and doe not neglect one Day, one Houre, one Minute to weare out with Toyle of Plot, and Practife of Conceit, your bufie and fruitfull Wit; beftir like the first Mover, your inferiour, and obedient Spirits, every one in their owne Spheare; never take Reft, nor force a Smile which is not borrowed from a facred and Papall Vengeance, fuch as becomes the State of your Difgrace, and unbounded Fate, till your Holineffe know what Way to fatisfie Fury and Revenge; till you and your Succeffors, the undoubted Inheritors of the World's metropoliticall Throne, have touched the Ends of the Earth with your all-conquering Scepter, and hath led Truth in Proceffion, triumphing over the Ruines of Errour.

Fragmenta Regalia:

Or, Obfervations on the late QUEEN ELIZABETH, her Times, and Favourites.

Written by Sir ROBERT NAUNTON, Mafter of the Court

T

of WARDS.

1641.

To take Her in the Originall, She was

HE Daughter of King Henry the Eighth by Ann Bullen the fecond of fix Wives which he had, and one of the Maydes of Honour to the divorced Queene Katherine of Auftria, (or as the now ftiled Infanta of Spaine) and from thence taken to the Royall Bed.

That he was not of a moft noble and royall Extract by her Father, will not fall into Queftion, for on that Side was difimboyned into her Veynes by a Confluence of Blood, the very Abstract of all the greatest Houses in Christendome, and remarkeable it is, confidering that violent Desertion of the royall House of the Britaines, by the Intrufion of the Saxons, and afterwards by the Conqueft of the Normans: that through Viciffitude of Times, and after Difcontinuance almoft of a thousand Yeares, the Scepter fhould fall againe, and be brought back into the old regall Line and true Current of the British Blood in the Perfon of her renowned Grandfather King Henry VII. together with whatfoever the German, Norman, Burgundian, Caftilian, and French Atchievements with their Intermarriages which 800 Yeares had acquired, could adde of Glory thereunto.

By her Mother fhe was of no Soveraigne Difcent, yet noble and very antient in the Family of Bullen, though fome erroneously branded them with a Citizen's Rife, or Originall, which was yet but of a fecond Brother, who as it was divine in the Greatneffe, and Luftre to come to his House, was fent

into the City to acquire Wealth (ad ædificandam antiquam domum) unto whose Atchievements (for he was Lord Major of London) fell in as it is averred, both the Blood and, Inheritance of the eldeft Brother, for. Want of Iffue Males, by which Accumulation the Houfe within few Difcents mounted In fulmen bonoris, and was fodainly delated in the best Families of England and Ireland: as Howard, Ormond, Sackevile, and others.

Having thus touched, and now leaving her Stipe, I come to her Perfon, and how he came to the Crowne by the Decease of her Brother and Sifter.

Under Edward VI. fhe was his, and one of the Darlings of Fortune, for befides the Confideration of Blood, there was betweene these two Princes, a Concurrencie and Sympathy of their Natures and Affections, together with the Cœleftiall Bond (confirmative Religion) which made them one, for the King never called her by any other Appellation, but his fweeteft and dearest Sifter, and was scarce his own-Man, fhe being abfent; which was not fo betweene him and the Lady Mary.

Under her Sifter fhe found her Condition much altered, for it was refolved, and her Deftinie had decreed it, for to fet her Apprentice in the Schoole of Affliction, and to draw her through that ardell Fire of Tryall, the better to mould and fashion her to Rule and Soveraignitie; which finifhed, and Fortune calling to Minde, that the Time of her Servitude expired, gave up her Indentures, and therewith delivered into her Cuftodie a Scepter, as the Reward of her Patience, which was about the 26th of her Age, a Time in which, as for her Externalls fhe was full blowne, fo was fhe for her Internallsgrowne ripe and feafoned by Adverfitie, in the Exercife of her Vertue: for it feemes, Fortune meant no more but to fhew her a Peece of Varietie, and Changeableneffe of her Nature, but to conduct her to her Deftinie (id est) Felicitie.

She was of Perfon tall, of Hayre and Complexion faire, and therewith well favored, but high nofed, of Limbs and Feature neate, and which added to the Luftre of thefe externall Graces, of a stately and majefticke Comportment, participating in this more of her Father, than of her Mother, who was of an inferiour allay-plaufible, or as the French hath it, more debonaire, and affable, Vertues, which might well fuite with Majefty, and which defcending as Hereditary to the Daughter, did render her of a more fweeter Temper, and endeared her more to the Love and Liking of the People, who gave her the Name and Fame of a moft gracious and popular Prince.

The Atrocitie of the Fathers Nature was rebated in her, by the Mothers fweeter Inclinations for to take, and that no more than the Character out of his owne Mouth, he never fpared Man in his Anger, nor Woman in bis Luft.

If we fearch further into her Intellectualls and Abilities; the wheele Courfe of her Government deciphers them to the Admiration of Pofteritie, for it was full of Magnanimitie, tempered with Justice, Pietie, and Pittie, and to fpeake Truth, noted but with one Act of Staine, or Taint, all her Deprivations, either of Life or Libertie, being legall and neceffitated, fhe was learned, her Sex and Time confidered, beyond common Beliefe, for Letters about this Time, or fome-what before, did but begin to be of Esteeme,

and

and in Fashion, the former Ages, being over-caft with the Mifts and Fogs of the Roman Ignorance, and it was the Maxime that over ruled the foregoing Times, that Ignorance was the Mother of Devotion: her Wars were a long Time more in the auxiliarie Part, and Affiftance of forraigne Princes and States: than by Invafion of any, till common Policie advised it, for a fafer Way, to ftrike first Abroad, then at Home to expect the War, in all which fhe was ever felicious and victorious.

The Change and Alteration of Religion, upon the Inftant of her Acceffion to the Crowne, the Smoake and Fire of her Sifter's Martyredomes scarcely quenched, was none of her lealt remarkeable Actions, but the Support and Establishment thereof, with the Meanes of her owne Subfiftance, amidst fo powerfull Enemies Abroad, and those many domeftique Practifes, were (methinks) Works of Infpiration, and of no humane Providence; which, on her Sifter's Departure, fhe moft religiously acknowledged, afcribing the Glory of her Deliverance to GoD above: for fhe being then at Hatfield, and under a Guard, and the Parliament fitting at the felfe fame Time, the Newes of the Queene's Death, and her owne Proclamation by the generall Confent of the Houfe, and the publique Sufferance of the People: whereat, falling on her Knees, after a good Time of Refpiration, fhe uttered this Verfe of the Pfalme, A domino factum est iftud, & eft mirabile in oculis noftris. And this we find to this Day on the Stampe of her Gold; with this on her Silver, Pofui Deum adjutorem meum. Her Minifters and Inftruments of State, fuch as were participes curarum, and bore a great Part of the Burthen, were many; and those memorable, but they were onely Favorites, and not Mynions, fuch as acted more by her Princely Rules and Judgments, than by their owne Wills and Appetites; for we faw no Gaveston, Vere, or Spencer, to have fwayed alone, dureing fortie foure Yeares; which was a well fetled and advised Maxime, for it valued her the more, it awed the moft fecure, it tooke best with the People, and it ftaved off all Emulations, which are apt to rife and vent in obloquious Acrimonie even against the Prince, where fuch onely are admitted into high Administrations.

TH

A Major Pallacii.

HE principall Note of her Raigne will be, that he ruled much by Faction and Parties, which the herfelfe both made, upheld and weakned, as her owne great Judgement advifed; for I do difaffent from the common, and received Opinion, that my Lord of Leicester was abfolute, and alone in her Grace; and though I come fomewhat fhort of the Knowledge of thefe Times, yet, that I may not erre nor fhoot at Randome, I know it from affured Intelligence that it was not fo, for Proofe whereof (amongst many that could prefent) I will both relate a Story, and therein a knowne Truth, and 'twas thus: Bowyer the Gentleman of the Black Rod, being charged by her expreffe Command, to looke precifely to all Admiffions into the Privy-Chamber; one Day stayed a very gay Captaine (and a Follower of my Lord of Leicester) from Entrance, for that he was neither well knowne, nor a fworne Servant to

the

the Queene: At which Repulfe, the Gentleman (bearing high on my Lord's Favor) told him, that he might perchance procure him a Difcharge. Leicefter coming to the Conteftation, fayd publikely, which was none of his wonted Speeches, that he was a Knave, and fhould not long continue in his Office; and fo turning about to goe to the Queene, Bowyer (who was a bould Gentleman and well beloved) ftept before him, and fell at her Majesties Feet, relates the Story, and humbly craves her Grace's Pleasure, and whether my Lord of Leicester was King, or her Majefty Queene? Whereunto fhe replied (with her wonted Oath) God's Death, my Lord, I have wished you well, but my Favour is not fo locked up for you, that others fhall not participate thereof; for I have many Servants unto whom I have and will at my Pleafure bequeathe my Favor, and likewife refume the fame, and if you thinke to rule here, I will take Course to fee you forth coming: I will have here. but one Mistress, and no Mafter; and look that no ill happen to him, leaft it be feverally required at your Hands: Which fo quailed my Lord of Leicester, that his fained Humilitie was long after one of his best Vertues.

Moreover the Earle of Suffex, then Lord Chamberlaine, was his profeffed Antagonist to his Dying Day; and for my Lord Hunfdowne, and Sir Thomas Sackevile, after Lord Treafurer, who were all Contemporaries, he was wont to fay of them, that they were of the Tribe of Dan, and were Noli me tangere; implying, that they were not to be contefted with, for they were indeed of the Queene's nigh Kindred.

From whence, and in many more Inftances, I conclude, that he was abfolute and foveraigne Mistress of her Graces, and that all thofe to whom the diftributed her Favors, were never more than Tennants at Will, and stood on no better Termes than her princely Pleafure, and their good Behaviour.

And this alfo I prefent as a knowne Obfervation, that fhe was, though very capable of Counfell, abfolute enough in her owne Refolution, which was ever apparent even to her laft; and in that of her ftill Averfion to grant Tyrone the least Drop of her Mercy, though earnestly and frequently advised thereunto, yea wrought onely by her whole Counfell of State, with very many Reasons; and as the State of her Kingdome then ftood, I may speake it with Affurance, neceffitated Arguments.

If we looke into her Inclination as it was difpofed to Magnificence or Frugalitie, we fhall find in them many notable Confiderations, for all her Difpenfations were fo poyfed, as though Difcretion and Juftice, had both decreed to stand at the Beame, and fee them weighed out in due Proportion, the Maturitie of her Peaces and Judgements, meeting in a Concurrance; and that in fuch an Age as feldome lapfeth to Exceffe.

To confider them a part, we have not many Prefidents of her Liberalitie, nor any large Donatives to particular Men: my Lord of Effex his Booke of Parks excepted, which was a Princely Gift, and fome more of a leffer Size, to my Lord of Leicester, Hatton, and others.

Her Rewards chiefly confifteth in Grants, and Leafes of Offices, and Places of Judicature, but for ready Money, and in great Summes, fhe was very fparing; which we may partly conceive, was a Vertue rather drawne out VOL. I.

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