motions, due to his Deferts, but to envie the Duke, and contend with him; how infupportable it must be to fo magnanimous a Spirit, whofe Memory beare Witheffe of their Unworthineffe, his owne Worth; any like Spirit may imagine.

Thus continued this unequall Contention, untill the King, fent for before the great (p) King of Kings, to make an Account of his Greatneffe, left his Body to teftifie the Worlds Folly in contending for Worlds, when one little Part of the Earth muft containe them. (q) His Succeffour at that Time very young, was wholy poffeffed by the Mothers Bloud, whom the now (r) Prosector had great Reason to feare, being ever his mortall Enemie, and now most strong, by being moft neerely allied to this Prince: Therefore jealous of his owne Prefervation, of the Safetie of the Common-weale, and of the ancient Nobilitie, with great Reafon and Juftice he executed them, whom, if he had fuffered to live, were likely enough to have beene the Destruction of him, it, and them. But the Deed accomplished, stirred up no little Feare in the Queene-Mother, and her Faction: For the Queenes taking Sanctuary with her younger Sonne (s) Richard Duke of Yorke, without any Cause that he knew, drave Gloucester to fuppofe that they doubted of their Right, and put him in Poffibility of obtaining his owne: wherein by ambitious (t) Buckingham hee was affifted, who then related to him afresh the unlawful Marriage of his Brother, that being unlawfull, confequently his Children were Bastards, and fo undoubtedly the Crown was lawfully his; to which Difcourfe he annexed Proteftations of Furtherance, though (perhaps) an earthly Spirit would not have been moved with thefe Motives, but rather have defired Safety, then Soveraigntie: yet in a true heroicke Spirit, whofe Affect is afpiring, they could not but be imbraced, ufing the Wings of Time, to bring him to that Height. Be not obftinate (Mortalitie) against this climing Axiome, for hourely you commit worfer Errors, more grovelling, more base. Were it not common in every Dayes Iffue, it were admirable to note the Impudencie of Man, who at this Inftant condemnes Actions, which himselfe would inftantly accomplish, were hee permitted by Occafion. The Queene-Mothers Feare, his own Right, Buckinghams Ayde, and his owne Jealousie to erect a Prince, too young to governe himselfe, much leffe others, but was likely to be governed by his Mother, and her Kindred, the Protectors mortallest Enemies, Men of meane Birth, not inured to Government, fuch as were like to destroy the ancient Peeres, to fortifie their new Nobility, could not but draw a true difcerning Spirit, to favour himfelfe, to protect the ancient Nobility, to defend the People from being wafted, and oppreffed by the Ambition and Tyrannie of new unexperienced Statifts, and to refpect his owne Prefervation, rather then others. For well he faw hee could not live, unleffe he were a King: that there was no Safety, but in Soveraignty.

Should I put thee in Choyfe (condemning Reader) whether thou wouldest not be, rather then be a King, thou wouldeft perhaps anfwere no: but that Anfwere fhould proceede, rather from the Knowledge of thy Want of Power to royallize thee, then through the Abundance of thy Modeftie. No, no, it is a Defire befitting the most worthie Defirer; and were all Mens Affections fo high, their Actions would not prove fo unworthy.

The State being thus in Labour with Innovation, the Peeres in Counfaile about their Infant Kings Coronation, all bufie, yet diffenting in their Bufineffe; in a Councell holden at the Tower, Haftings Lord (u) Chamberlaine was apprehended, and no fooner apprehended, but executed. The not leifurely proceed ing by Forme of Law, may feeme to plead Haftings Innocencie, the Protectors Cruelty. But they that confider the Nature of the People of that Time, apt to Sedition, greedy of Innovation, and likely to be glad of fo pittifull a Colour (for Haftings was a Man growne very popular) will hold the Protector in that Action very judiciall, and, if guilty of any Thing, of Difcretion, and Policie: But could Haftings be innocent, whom (w) Commines reporteth to be a Pensioner of the French King, Lewis the Eleventh, the only fubtill Prince of that Time? Hee, of all others, that most affected Tyrannie, and was naturally the mortall Enemie of this Kingdome? Or was he fit to be a Statef-man or Counfailor, who being corrupted by the Bribes of an Enemie, had diffwaded his Mafter, the late King Edward the Fourth, from affifting the oppreffed Lady (x) the Heire of Burgundie, against Lewis the French King, whereby that Lady was driven to feeke Ayde elfe-where, who, otherwife, was likely to have married with the Duke of Clarence, or fome other English Prince, and fo to have united that Dukedome to this Crowne, to the eternall Benefit and Security of both Countries; who gloried in his private Revenges, who not only enticed his Mafter, but accompanied him in all Senfuality: who in the deflowring of Mens Wives, (y) and such other his unprincelike Actions, was his perpetuall Attendant, and fometimes (as it is thought) would begin to him? (z) Doctor Shaws Sermons not a little illuftrates the Malice of his Accufers: For I thinke, no Man that is difcreet, will imagine this Prince fo indifcreet, as to have Witneffe that he commanded that Sermon, and gave Inftructions what fhould be faid: Then how do our Chronicles report it for Truth, were not their Malice greater then either their Truth, or their Judgement? But they are Hiftorians, and must be beleeved.

Alas, poore Men, how would they be beleeved, whofe greatest Authorities (as a learned and honorable (a) Knight writeth) are built upon the notable Foun dation of heare-fay? Men that have much Ayd to accord differing Writers, and to picke Truth out of Partiality. But it is not mentioned, that Shaw ever executed this Action, with alleaging him to be the Caufe. It is likely

(u) William Lord Haftings, Chamber

Jaine to Edward the Fourth.

(w) Philip de Commines, Lord of Argenton, in his Hiftory.

(x) Mary fole Daughter and Heire of Charles Duke of Burgundy, after married

to Maximilian the Emperour.
(y) Shores Wife.

(z) D. Shaws Sermon at Pauls Croffe.
(a) Sir Philip Sidney in his Defence of
Poetry.

indeed,

indeed, that Shaw being ambitious, gaping after Preferment, fuppofing fome fuch Intent in the Protector (as he had a reaching Head) was bold to fet his Retorick to Sale, to publish his Fancies: but feeing his Hopes vanish into Smoke, and his Expectation deluded, feeing the Protector neither rewarded, nor regarded his Rethorick, he foone after languifhed and died: a juft Example to teach Theologians fo boldly to intermeddle with Princes Affaires, before they bee commanded: for (doubtleffe) had the Protector fet him a Worke, he would have payed him his Hire. But if it were fo, that he commanded the Sermon (as that is yet unproved) was that an Offence to make the People fo publikely Partakers of his Right; yea, to prostitute his Caufe to their Judgements? for charging his Mother with Adulterie, was a Matter of no fuch great Moment, fince it is no Wonder in that Sexe: And furely hee had more Reason to adventure her Fame, then his Kingdome, because of two Evils it is Wifedome to chufe the leaft. If it were true, it was no Injustice to publifh it; what could be expected from him, but true Juftice, who was fo impartiall, that he would not fpare his owne Mother? if untrue, good Faith, he was therein too blame, and her Innocencie the more meritorious; but certaine it is, the People approved his Right: for he was crowned (b) with fuch Confent, and fo great Applause both of Peeres and People, that if wee will judge by the outward Behaviour (the onely Marke our Judgements may or can levell at) we must determine them fo contented, as no Actions which might teftifie the Satisfaction of their Mindes, were omitted: furely, if ever the unjudiciall Multitude did any Thing judicially, it was in receiving this Prince, whom his chiefe Difgracers cannot but acknowledge for valiant; then who was more meet to restraine Domefticke, to fubdue forraine Seditions? For thefe civill Diffenfions had almost wasted and made defolate this populous Nation: difcreet he was and temperate, (two fo rare and excellent Qualities, as he that truly poffeffeth them, meriteth the Poffeffion of a Diademe:) for in thefe Vertues, joyned with that Cardinall Vertue Fortitude, (whereof alfo he had a very large Portion) confifteth the Soule of Soveraigntie, which whofoever wanteth (be hee a while never fo powerfull) his owne Greatneffe fo crufheth him, that hee forfeiteth all in a Moment: Moft liberall he was, defiring rather to want, then to fuffer Worth unrewarded: and this Liberalitie is the onely true Nurse, and Fofterer of Vertue: Vertue unrewarded being unfenfible, our Flesh being governed, advised, yea mastered by our Senfes this Worthie, this princely Ornament fome Calumniators have fought in him to deface, alleadging; that his Liberality to fome, proceeded from his Extortion from others but even thofe cannot denie him to have beene Politicke and Wife; then is it likely that a Prince of his Wifedome and Policie, could not difcerne betweene the worthy and unworthy? And to take from Undefervers, to bestow upon Defervers, must be acknowledged a Vertue.

He was neither Luxurious, nor an Epicure, not given to any Ryot, nor to Exceffe, neither in Apparell, nor Play: for had he been touched with any

(b) The Coronation of King Richard the Third.

of thefe Vices, doubtleffe they which object leffer Crimes, would not have omitted thefe: then (without Question) he was largely intereffed in Vertues, (their Contraries) but those (through Malice) are either not registred, or (if regiftred) fo infamed, as if all his Vertues had a vicious Intent: yet to acknowledge the Vertues of the Vicious, is fuch a Right, that what Hiftorian willingly omitteth them, therein becommeth vicious himfelfe. But in all that I have hitherto among the Vulgar observed:

Culpatur factum, non ob aliud, quam exitum:

They approve, or difprove all Things by the Event; which though fomtimes it proveth like the Caufe, yet it is more often governed by the Will of the divine Providence. And furely, but that the gracious Goodneffe of God to manifeft the Weaknes of humane Policie, overthrew his Defignes, tooke from him his Kingdome; and contrary eyther to Mans Hope, or our Merit, united by a bleffed and happy Conjunction (c) the two diffenting Factions, to the true establishing of fweet Peace and Profperitie of this defolate Kingdome for, otherwise, had he lived to have left Iffue to have fucceeded him, fuch might have beene his and their Merits, that Fame would have beene no more injurious to him then to his Predeceffors the fourth Henry and Edward, whofe Raignes were polluted with much more Royall Blood: for he omitted nothing, that in Wifedome or true Policie, might fecure himselfe, or eftablifh Peace or good Lawes in this Kingdome.

His Statutes are extant; what can be found in them not becomming a King? what, not befitting the Service of God? the Worship of Religion? the Good of his Country? Yea, I have heard of fome, accounted both good Lawyers and good Statifts fay, that in those three Years of his Government, there were more good Statutes for the Weale-publike enacted, then in 30 Years before. He was no Taxer of the People, no Oppreffor of the Commons, though he came to manage an Eftate whofe Treasure was exceedingly exhausted; no Suppreffor of his Subjects, to satisfie either licentious Humours, or to inrich light-headed Flatterers. But (alas) who robs Vertue, but Ingratitude, Detraction and Malice? What a Curfe is it to Mortalitie, that no Fashion of Life, no Merits, no Regards, can free Princes from Discontentments in their Life, and Infamy after Death? Who is it that heares of any one fo endued, fo loden with Vertues, that judgeth him not happy? Yet he is defamed; and by whom? even by thofe for whom he cared, laboured, and omitted nothing that might profit, committed nothing that might prejudice them.

This, the Charge and Commandement that he gave presently after his Coronation, to the Lords and Gentlemen (whom hee fent home into their Countries) that they should in their Countries fee Juftice duely adminiftred and impartially, (that no Wrong, nor Extortion fhould be done to his Subjects) doth teftifie; this, his Lawes, and all his Actions approve: yet neyther the

(c) The two diffenting Factions of Yorke and Lancaster united by the Mar

riage of Henry the Seventh to Elizabeth, eldest Daughter to Edward the Fourth.

Care

Care of his Countrey, his Lawes, nor Actions are thought to be fufficient to plead his Equitie and Innocencie: for malicious Credulitie rather embraceth the partiall Writings of indifcreet Chroniclers, and witty Play-makers, then his Lawes and Actions, the most innocent, and impartiall Witneffes.

It is laid to his Charge (as a maine Objection) that he was ambitious, let us examine the Truth of this Accufation. Was he ambitious, who was onely content with the Limits of his owne Country? Who fought to be rather famous for inftituting good Lawes, then for atchieving great Conquefts? No, no, he wanted nothing to make him an accomplished Prince, but that hee was not ambitious enough for had hee imitated that worthy King Henry the Fifth, who in a like unfetled Eftate, led out the Nobilitie and People to make Wars upon forraine Enemies, to make Conqueft of France, and to embrue their warlike Swords (lately bloudied against one another) in the Bloud and Bowels of Strangers, he might (perhaps) have had a fortunate Succeffe : for he wanted not the like Title, he was no leffe valiant, no leffe politicke. So might he have re-conquered that Kingdome, and thofe Territories, which by the Pufillanimity of fome of his Predeceffors were given away and loft; and (peradventure) fo bufied the stirring Heads of the Nobilitie and People, that they should have had no Leafure to thinke upon any Innovation or Part-taking at home: fo might he happily have fecured himselfe, and inlarged the Bounds of his Conquefts beyond any of his Ancestors. What Lets or Obstacles could hinder him from thofe glorious Enterprifes? His Subjects were warlike, trained up in Armes; fomewhat too much exercised in Bloud, becaufe it was in their owne. His Neighbors, the French, were governed by (d) a King, who had fome Policie, but fo little Valour, that he would rather yeeld to any Capitulation, then heare the Sound of an Adverfaries Drumme. So that his People being unufed to Wars, were easily to be conquered by that Nation which had so often beaten them in the Height of their Daring.

The Scots, their Colleagues, hee had already beene victorious over: his Name among them was growne terrible. For in the Time of his Brother hee wan from them many Caftles and Holds: but principal hee conquered (e) Barwick, the chiefe and principall Towne upon their Frontiers, a piece of speciall Importance, either to make eafie our Entrance into that Kingdom, or to keepe them from invading ours: fo that I cannot juftly accufe him of any Crime fo much, as that his Ambition ftretched not farre enough. To juftifie his Adverfaries Accufation, in this Time chanced the Death of his two young (f) Nephewes in the Tower, whofe Deaths promifing Quiet to him, and wholly impofed upon him, how truely I have Reafon to doubt; because his Accufers are fo violent, and impudent, that thofe Vertues (which in other Men are imbraced, for which they are esteemed as Gods) they impute to him rather to be Enamellers of Vices, then really Vertues: his Humilitie

(d) Lewes the Eleventh.

(f) The Death of Prince Edward and (e) Barwicke won from the Scots by Richard Duke of Yorke in the Tower. Richard the Third.

they