renewed the subject by a series of eight resolutions, condemning all interference on behalf of Turkey, and contending that Russia was only weakening instead of strengthening herself by extending her dominions. But Pitt, in reply, showed the very obvious facts that the retention of Oczakoff opened the way to Constantinople, and that the possession of Constantinople prepared the way for the seizure of Egypt, and the supremacy of the Mediterranean, with the most formidable consequences to our commerce. The resolutions of Grey were negatived; but twice again during the session the whigs returned to the charge-on the 15th of April and in the 25th of May-but with no better success. The armament was maintained, and Catherine was compelled to surrender Oczakoff, which it had cost her so much money and so many thousand men to obtain.

On the opening of the session, the king called the attention of parliament to the state of Canada. That colony had flourished greatly since it had come into the possession of England, and especially since the passing of the bill of 1774, which had given freedom to the catholic church there, the church of the French inhabitants. But one part of the colony was still inhabited by the descendants of the French, and another by those of the English and Americans. It was, therefore, found desirable to put an end to the competition which still existed, from differences of faith and of national sentiments and customs, betwixt the two races, by dividing the colony into two provinces, the one inhabited by the French to be called Lower Canada, and the other, inhabited by the English, to be called Upper Canada. On the 25th of February the king sent a message to parliament, proposing to carry out this division; and, on the 4th of March, Pitt moved to bring in a bill for that purpose, and stated the intended plan of arrangement. Besides an elective assembly, each province was to have a council, the members of which were to be appointed for life, with hereditary succession to the descendants of such as should be honoured with hereditary titles, which titles were to confer on an inhabitant of either province the dignity of a | member of the council. Landed property was to be held according to English law, in soccage tenure; the habeas corpus to be established in both provinces. An allotment of lands was to be made for the protestant clergy; but, as the majority of the inhabitants in the lower provinces would be catholic, the council and assembly were empowered to allot lands also to their clergy, which allotment, on sanction of the crown, was to be valid without intervention of parliament. No taxes were to be imposed by the British government except such as were necessary for the regulation of commerce, and these were to be levied by the provincial legislature to prevent any heart-burnings like those which had occurred in the American states.

This bill made it obvious that a great light had broken on the English government from the American revolution; it was discovered that the best way to govern and retain our colonies, was to allow them to govern themselves. This knowledge was worth all the loss and annoyance of the American revolution. Fox expressed his approbation of the principle, and all appeared favourable to the passing of the measure. It was allowed to proceed, without opposition, through its first and second reading, and through the

committee; but when it was reported, then came a scene of violent contention, arising not so much from the bill itself, as from the state of parties, and the making a peg of this question on which to hang the conflicting opinions of different members on a very different question-that of the French revolution. Not only had Fox, and Burke, and Sheridan broken up their old friendship on this question, Sheridan being as enthusiastic about the revolution as Fox, but it had split up the whole whig party. Burke had published his able and eloquent "Reflections on the Revolu tion," and subsequently, in February of this year, a "Letter to a Member of the National Assembly," in which he had repeated and extended his decided opinions upon it. The duke of Portland and Mr. Wyndham took Burke's view of the pernicious nature of the French principles. But it was not merely in parliament; throughout the country opinions were divided on the subject. Societies were formed to recommend the introduction of French revolutionary principles into this country, and many eminent men, especially amongst the dissenters, took the lead in them, as we shall presently see. The tendency to despotic government in this country, and a spreading conviction that parliament was not truly elected by the people, rendered large numbers favourable to these views. In parliament, however, the great shock of battle took place betwixt the so-long united friends and fellow-labourers in reform, Fox and Burke, and because the Canada bill affected a French people, it was thought a proper occasion by these statesmen to indulge in a long and violent discussion of their clashing views, in which the proper question before parliament, the Quebec bill, was soon lost sight of.

On the motion for taking this bill into further consideration, on the 8th of April, Mr. Hussey presented various petitions from merchants regarding the measure, and moved that the bill required recommittal. He was seconded by Fox, who now, though approving of the main principles of the bill, took occasion to contend for the development of the advanced doctrines of political liberty inculcated by the French revolutionists, and to urge the insertion of clauses in the bill, in accordance with them. He complained that the number of members in the assemblies was too small; that from sixteen to thirty persons could not fully represent the amount of Canadian population. He called for annual instead of septennial elections, and for a franchise founded on a forty shillings freehold, and not on one of five pounds, as proposed. He condemned the introduction of hereditary distinctions, which might be tolerated in England, where there were so many ancient associations with a noblesse ; but that in a new state, it was much better to avoid such artificial and invidious ranks; that it was peculiarly absurd to introduce them amongst the French of Canada, when, in their mother country, they were abolishing them; and equally mischievous to introduce them in a country contiguous to the United States, where titles stunk in the nostrils of the inhabitants. He condemned the setting apart so large a portion of the public lands for the church, foreseeing great inconvenience from it; and, in this respect, time has proved the correctness of his fears. He avowed that the constitution of the United States was better adapted to the benefit of the public than any other in the

A.D. 1791.]

ancient or the modern world, and that it was exceedingly unwise to leave the Canadas any cause to envy the advantages of their neighbours. Burke was not present, and Pitt replied, "that he was not called upon to discuss which might be the best constitution for France, America, or any other country; nor did he choose to comment on those superior advantages said to be introduced by France, in consequence of the alleged progress of learning and light: he believed the British constitution was much better for us than any founded on republican principles."

On the 15th of April, when the question of the Russian armament was before the house, Fox again introduced the topic of the French revolution, as arising out of the question of the balance of power. He declared that the balance of power had formerly been of great importance, for then France was an intriguing, restless nation; but that now France had promulgated different principles. It abjured all aggressions against its neighbours, and advocated that every people should enjoy the utmost freedom without molestation. Those who detested the principles of the French revolution had reason to rejoice in its effects. The new government aimed at making its subjects happy, and at seeing the same generous ideas diffused throughout the world. He knew that different opinions were entertained by different men on the changes introduced in France, but that, for his part, he looked upon the new French constitution as "the most stupendous and glorious edifice of liberty which had been erected on the foundation of human integrity in any time or country."

This was so decided a challenge to Burke, and so completely did Fox endeavour to confute Burke's avowed sentiments on the French revolution, that it was impossible for Burke to remain silent. The hour was late; Pitt, Wyndham, and others, had spoken on the Russian armament, and Burke had also discussed that question, without a single allusion to the French revolution, reserving the answer to Fox for the next debate on the Canada bill, but he felt now compelled to rise and reply to what appeared so unfair an introduction of the subject. But cries of "Question!" were raised, and the adherents of Fox prevented his being heard. No doubt could now be entertained that there must be a final breach betwixt these old political friends-a breach utter and irreconcilable. Burke published an appeal from the new whigs to the old, and he applied to some friends of the ministry, entreating their protection against any attempts to drown his voice by mere clamour.

When the day for the debate on the Quebec bill arrived, Fox called on Burke, though he had not done so for some time, and, in the presence of a mutual friend, entered into some explanations which appeared satisfactory. Fox then proposed that the answer of Burke should not take place on the discussion of the Quebec bill, though this was the bill on which this topic had been introduced. Burke refused to comply; but the two old friends walked to the house together, displaying the last show of friendship which was to take place between them. When they entered the house, they found that many members were absent, as it was the day preceding the Easter recess, and that Sheridan had proposed that the question should be postponed, on the plea that the papers were not printed. Mr. Michael Angelo

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Taylor, moreover, complained of the irregular manner in which the constitutions of other countries had been introduced, and declared his intention of calling any one to order who thus transgressed again. Fox admitted that he had, in the course of the session, taken various opportunities of referring to the French revolution, and had expressed his admiration of it, perhaps, too often; that he had uttered one levity, perhaps silly enough, regarding the extinction of nobility in France, and its introduction into Canada; but that he had never uttered any republican opinions as it regarded this country; that, though he should deeply regret differing from friends whom he greatly respected, yet, when the question was next discussed, he should boldly maintain his opinions. Mr. Powys wished that Mr. Fox would imitate Mr. Burke, and publish his opinions on these subjects, instead of uttering them in parliament. Burke rose, and, with much emotion, declared how greatly it affected and depressed him to have to meet his friend as an adversary. He paid the highest compliments to Fox's eloquence and abilities; but said that, however dear was that gentleman's friendship, there was something yet dearer to him-the discharge of his duty, and the love of his country. He treated the menace of Michael Angelo Taylor with contempt, and declared that the irregularity complained of had not originated with him; that though, in the preceeding session, he had been compelled to allude to the foreign subject, in this he had carefully, and under all provocation, abstained from it. But the time had come when he must, after what had taken place, speak out.

Accordingly, on the 6th of May, when the chairman of the committee put the question, that the Quebec Bill be read paragraph by paragraph, Burke rose, and determined to have a fair hearing on the question of the French revolution. He introduced the subject very adroitly by remarking that they were about to appoint a legislature for a distant people, and thus to affirm a legal authority for the exercise of this high power. The first question was, did they possess such power? A body of rights, called the Rights of Man, imported from a neighbouring country, had been maintained by some in this kingdom as paramount to all other rights. A principal article of this new code was, "That all men are by nature free, are equal in respect of all rights, and continue so in society." If that doctrine were admitted, then the house had nothing to do but to recommend to the Canadians to choose a constitution for themselves. But what constitution should they choosethe British, the American, or the French? A part of the Canadians were of French origin; should they, therefore, recommend the French constitution to them?—a constitution avowedly founded on the Rights of Man. They had better first examine what were the results of this constitution, as already introduced into the new world, into the West Indian colonies of France herself. These colonies, notwithstanding these disastrous wars, were most happy and flourishing, until they heard of the Rights of Man. This Pandora's box, replete with every mortal evil, seemed to fly open, hell itself to yawn, and every demon of mischief to overspread the face of the earth. Blacks ran against whites, and against each other, in murderous hostility; subordination was destroyed, the bonds of society were torn

"Black spirits and white,

Blue spirits and grey,

Mingle, mingle, mingle,
Mingle while they may."

All was toil and trouble, blood and discord, from the moment this doctrine was promulgated; and he verily believed that, wherever the Rights of Man were preached, such ever had been, and ever would be, the consequence. Troops were sent out; but, strongly imbued with the system of the Rights of Man, they had made themselves parties in the rebellion. Ought this example to induce us to send to our colonies, as had lately been recommended in that house, a cargo of the Rights of Man? Much better had they send them a cargo of infected cotton from Marseilles.

longing to his faithful and brave body-guard, presented a bayonet to the breast of the fore horse.

Then there were loud cries of "Order!" and "Question!' and Mr. Baker declared that the argument of Mr. Burke was calculated to involve the house in unnecessary altercation, and perhaps with the government of another nation. Fox said his right honourable friend could scarcely be said to be out of order, for it seemed to be a day of privilege, when any gentleman might stand up, and take any topic, and abuse any government, whether it had reference to the point in question or not; that not a word had been said of the French revolution, yet he had risen and abused it. He might just as well have abused that of China or Hindustan.

He then drew a frightful picture of the effects of the revolution in France itself as a scene to be contemplated, not with approbation, but with horror, as involving every principle to be detested, and pregnant with every consequence to be dreaded and abominated. Notwithstanding the boastful pretensions of the framers of the new constitution, after sitting nearly two years, he said, they had done nothing; but had contented themselves with enjoying the democratic satisfaction of heaping every disgrace on fallen royalty. They had a king such as they wished-a king who was no king-over whom the marquis De la Fayette, chief gaoler of Paris, mounted guard. The royal prisoner, having wished to taste the freshness of the country air, had obtained a day rule to take a journey about five miles from Paris. But scarcely had he left the city, before his suspicious governors, recollecting that a temporary release from confinement might afford him the means of escape, sent a tumultuous rabble after him, who, surrounding his carriage,

This taunt came with a very ill grace from Fox, who had himself introduced this extraneous topic into the debates on this very bill, and seized that very occasion to attack Burke's opinions in his absence. Burke replied with great indignation, and said that nothing could so much resemble the national assembly as that house; for M. Cazales could never utter a single sentence without a roar. Here Michae Angelo Taylor again called Burke to order, declaring that this was a debate on the Quebec Bill, and not on the English or French constitution. Burke again attempted to speak, but was again called to order by Mr. St. John, amid wilder cries of "Question!" and "Chair!" Burke complained of the injustice of hearing arguments against him, and not allowing him a reply; but lord Sheffield moved that dissertations or transactions in France are not regular or orderly on the question before the house. Pitt observed that though he himself had abstained from all allusion to the constitution of France, he could not consider it out of