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nies till it had well reinforced its military strength | Indians, who hurried down to Griffin's Wharf, where the there. This, the most important of all measures, under the tea ships lay, and rushing tumultuously on board, and circumstances, never appeared to occur to the English king hoisting out the tea chests, emptied them into the sea amid or ministry; and this country, which had forced such much triumph and noise. Having thus destroyed teas to hundreds of thousands of men into the Netherland and the amount of eighteen thousand pounds, the mob retreated German wars, neglected most insanely to transport to this to their houses; but, says John Adams, in his private diary, scene of insubordination a military power amply capable of "many persons wished that as many dead carcases were supporting its authority. floating in the harbour as there were chests of tea." The rancour of the Bostonians had reached the blood heat. Governor Hutchinson hastened to inform his government of what had taken place, and to assure it that it had not been in his power to prevent the destruction of the tea, unless he had yielded the authority reposed in him by the crown of England. It never seems to have occurred to Hutchinson to call out the troops and land the goods under their protection. In the whole of this contest with the American colonies it will be seen that nothing could exceed the weakness of the governors there, the miserable mediocrity of the commanders, or the headstrong fatuity of the government at home, which was continually passing irritating acts, or sending out irritating orders, without taking the necessary precautions of having force in the colonies capable of supporting the executive in its functions.

When such acts as the burning of the Gaspee had been done with impunity, and whilst the American mind was rankling with all the Franklin poison of the purloined letters, three vessels arrived at Boston, laden with tea, under the conditions of lord North's bill. These ships had been for some time expected; and tumultuous meetings had been held, and mobs had assembled menacing the houses of the consignees with destruction. On their not assenting to send back the tea, their windows had been broken, their doors forced in, and themselves compelled to flee to Castle William for safety.

On the arrival of the ships the commotion was intense. Another meeting was held, to which the people of the neighbouring towns flocked in; and a resolution which had been passed at Philadelphia, that the tea ships were sent to enslave and poison the free men of America, was unanimously adopted; and it was agreed that the tea should not be landed, but be sent back again.

The consignees proposed that the tea should be allowed to come on shore, and be stowed in locked-up warehouses till further instructions should arrive, as had been done at Charleston; but this proposal was rejected with indignation. The Bostonians filled the streets in riotous mobs, menacing in the most deadly manner not only the captains of the tea ships, but all who should give them any assistance. The mob was armed with muskets, rifles, swords, and cutlasses, and kept guard on the port day and night to prevent the landing of the teas. The captains themselves would gladly have sailed away with their obnoxious cargoes in safety, but the governor very foolishly gave orders that they should not pass the ports without a permit from himself, and he sent admiral Montague to guard the passages out of the harbour with two ships of war. Whatever the pretences of the Bostonians might be-and they still protested that they desired to remain a dependence of England-their acts now were revolutionary. The home government was set at defiance by arms; and it would have been sufficient for the tea ships to have returned and reported their inability to remain in the port of Boston without certain destruction of cargo, to have called forth the executive powers of the nation.

A meeting was held in Boston on the 16th of December, at which Josiah Quincey, junior, told the people that the contest must end in bullets and cannon balls; that they who imagined that shouts and hosannas could terminate the trials of the day, deceived themselves. A message was sent from the meeting demanding of the governor that the ships should be sent home again, and, on the governor refusing, a man, disguised as an Indian, gave a wild war-whoop in the meeting, and the meeting hastened to separate.

But it separated only to reassemble again in a different shape. As the evening grew dark, those who had quitted the meeting were met by whole mobs arrayed as wild

The parliament opened its session on the 13th of January, 1774. There were the usual questions mooted as to the amount of the navy, the motion of alderman Sawbridge for the shortening of parliaments, and for inquiring into the acts of government regarding the Middlesex election. But the chief measure passed was the bill for rendering perpetual the act of Grenville for referring questions regarding controverted elections to committee, which was passed by two hundred and fifty votes to one hundred and twenty-two against government. Lord North, with his usual impolicy, was decided against rendering this useful act necessary, and found himself deserted by a whole host of the usual supporters of ministers. Such a blind and unpopular act would have broken up North's cabinet, had not the news arrived from Boston and engaged the passions of the nation on the same side with him.

On the 7th of March the king sent a message to both houses, announcing the proceedings at Boston, the destruction of the teas; and a mass of papers was sent down to the house of commons, including the dispatches of governor Hutchinson, of admiral Montague, letters from the consignees of the teas, and other communications from governors and officers of the other colonies, with copies of the numerous inflammatory handbills, pamphlets, manifestoes, &c., which had been circulated in America. The sensation was intense. A warm debate ensued as to the course of action necessary, and an address to the king was agreed to, strongly condemning the conduct of the Rhode Islanders and the Bostonians. At this juncture, Mr. Bollan, the agent for the Massachusetts council, begged to lay before the house of commons the charters of queen Elizabeth and her successors, securing the liberties of that colony. The charters were received and laid on the table.

The news from Boston could not have arrived at a moment when the public mind was more ill-disposed towards the Americans. The affair of the abstraction of Mr. Whately's private letters from his house or office, and

A.D. 1774.]

PETITION OF MASSACHUSETTS TO THE PRIVY COUNCIL.

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himself the author of all. I can compare him only to Zanga, in Dr. Young's 'Revenge:'—

Know, then, 'twas I;

I forged the letter-I disposed the picture-
I hated-I despised-and I destroy!

their publication, contrary to all custom and to its own engagement, by the Massachusetts assembly, had produced a deep conviction in all classes in England of the utter disregard of honour both in the American colonists and of their agent, Franklin. This disgraceful violation of the sacred security of private papers roused the indignation I ask, my lords, whether the revengeful temper attributed to of Mr. William Whately, banker, in Lombard-street, and the bloody African is not surpassed by the coolness and brother to the late Mr. Thomas Whately. He conceived apathy of the wily American?" strong suspicions of John Temple, afterwards Sir John Temple, lieutenant-governor of New Hampshire, and, though one of the commissioners of customs at Boston, really hostile to the commission, and a strong partisan of Franklin. Whately challenged Temple, and was severely wounded in the rencontre. At this, Franklin came forward with an avowal that neither the late Mr. Whately nor Mr. Temple had anything to do with the carrying off of the letters; that he alone was responsible for this act. Franklin then proceeded to state what was perfectly untrue—that these were not private letters between friends, but by public officers on public affairs, and intended to procure public measures. This was contrary to the whole of the facts which we have stated; and Franklin proceeded to assert what was equally untrue that the only secrecy attached to the letters was, that they should not be put into the hands of any colonial agent, who might send them, or copies of them, to America. even the smallest part of this were true-for Franklin was such an agent he had acted contrary to his own pledge to keep the secret, being the very man to send them to the public assembly of Massachusetts.

Priestley, in a letter, describes the effect of Wedderburn's address as received with what must seem a mad merriment by the council. "Mr. Wedderburn had a complete triumph. At the sallies of his sarcastic wit, all the members of the council, the president himself, lord Gower, not excepted, frequently laughed outright; and no person belonging to the council behaved himself with decent gravity, except lord North, who came in late."

If

In consequence of these circumstances, occasion was taken, on the presentation of the petition of the people of Boston, for the removal of the governor and lieutenant of Massachusetts, to the privy council, to animadvert severely on Franklin's conduct. This took place on the 29th of January, when Dunning and Lee were retained on the part of the petition, and Wedderburn, the solicitor-general, appeared for the crown. There were no less than thirty-five privy councillors present, amongst them lord North, and lord Gower at their head, as lord president. There was an intense excitement on the occasion, and a severe crush to obtain entrance; and, amongst the persons struggling in, were Burke and Dr. Priestley.

Franklin is said to have felt so keenly the invectives of Wedderburn and the laughter of the council, that from that day he resolved to himself to do his utmost to effect the separation of the colonies. That the not undeserved castigation which he received did deepen the feeling, is most probable, but the feeling had evidently been long in his bosom, and all his actions showed it. It is added, that from that hour he carefully laid by the dress of figured Manchester velvet, which he wore on that occasion, until the day on which he signed the treaty which acknowledged the independence of the United States. Yet, both Franklin and the other leaders of the colonists still kept on the mask of moderation, and of a pretended desire to retain the union with the mother country, though we have it, on the authority of Adam Smith, that Franklin said, with much triumph, in the presence of a particular friend of his, that, "whatever measures Great Britain might choose to pursue, whether mild or rigorous, they would equally tend to bring about that great and desirable event-the entire independence of America.”

The privy council decided that the petition from Massachusetts was framed on false and exaggerated allegations, and was groundless, vexatious, and scandalous. Two days afterwards, the king dismissed Franklin from the office, which he had till now held, of deputy - postmaster of America-a circumstance calculated to deepen his animosity, for, from all that we can gather from Franklin's writings, he had a much deeper and more lively idea of the value of money than of the value of high principles in matters of diplomacy.

Neither Dunning nor Lee spoke effectively, but as if they by no means relished the cause in which they were engaged; while Wedderburn seemed animated by extraordinary life and bitterness. He was the friend of Whately, who was now And what were the measures which the British governlying in a dangerous state from his wound. After speaking ment resorted to in order to reduce the rebellious colonies of the charter and the insubordinate temper of the people to obedience? The obvious measure was to send out fresh of Massachusetts, he fell with withering sarcasm on troops, and to maintain such a garrison in all the great seaFranklin, who was present. "Hitherto," he said, "private ports as should back the civil authorities in just and prudent correspondence had been held sacred, even in times of acts. But it has been well observed by a modern historian, the most rancorous party fury. But here was a gentle- that however the separation of America must have occurred man who had a high rank amongst philosophers, and should at some later period, its severance then was the work "of be the last to sanction such infamous breaches of honour, the most marvellous and incredulous combination of openly avowing his concern in them. He asked where, accident, craft, imbecility, and madness," that ever arose. henceforth, Dr. Franklin could show his face; that Instead of strengthening its power, the government hastened henceforth he must deem it a libel to be termed 'a man to pass a series of bills, each more calculated to enrage the of letters.' Amidst tranquil events, here is a man who, Bostonians than another, without thinking of a single with the utmost insensibility of remorse, starts and avows means of enforcing these bills. So far from this enforce

up

ment, they were obviously not capable of maintaining the thought proper to order a new commission of the treasury to laws already in existence.

be made out, in which I do not perceive your name."

On the 14th of March lord North moved to bring in a Thus summarily dismissed, Fox started forth a full-length bill to take away from Boston the customs, the courts of reformer; opposed the Boston Port Bill in a style which justice, and government offices, and give them to New startled his old colleagues, who had not suspected the Salem. This bill was carried through both houses with volcano of talent and of freedom slumbering there. He again little opposition. Bollan, the agent of the council of Massa-attacked the charter bill, contending that, before such a bill chusetts, desired to be heard against the bill, but was was passed, compensation should be demanded from the refused. It received the royal assent on the 31st of Bostonians for the teas destroyed, and that, till such comMarch, and the trade of Boston was annihilated. pensation was refused, such a bill was premature. Pownall foretold that the corresponding committees, which were in full activity, would recommend a congress, and that it was easier to foresee the consequences than to prevent them; and Barré also prognosticated the application to France, and her ready assistance to the colonies, in revenge of the loss of Canada. Probably these suggestions of the opposition were the first hints to the colonies for the adoption of these very measures. The bill passed the commons by a majority of two hundred and thirty-nine against sixty-four; and it passed the lords by a majority of ninety-two against twenty.

On the 19th of April Mr. Rose Fuller moved that the house, in committee, should consider the propriety of repealing the obnoxious tea duty. The ministers replied that certainly this was not the moment to argue that question; that every act of concession so far had only produced augmented insolence on the part of the colonists; and as to the right of taxing the Americans through customs, port duties, &c., the weight of legal and philosophical authority was in favour of it. To say nothing of Grenville, Townshend, and Rockingham, Chatham, Gibbon, Burke, Hume, Dr. Johnson, Adam Smith, Soame Jenyns, and others, had always held that right as unquestionable.

Whilst this bill was passing the lords, on the 28th of March lord Gower brought a fresh one into the commons, which had no less object than the repeal of the charter of Massachusetts. It was entitled, "A bill for the better regulating government in the province of Massachusetts Bay." It went to remove the nomination of the members of the council, of the judges and magistrates, &c., from the popular constituencies to the crown. Lord North observed that the charter of William III. had conferred these privileges on Massachusetts as exceptional to all other colonies, and that the consequence was that the governor had no power whatever. Strong opposition was made to this proposed bill by Dowdeswell, Sir George Saville, Burke, Barré, governor Pownall, and general Conway. Conway asked of what crimes and errors the New Englanders had been really guilty, and prophecied only just exasperation, misfortune, and ruin. Lord North, in reply, said, "Do you ask what the people of Boston have done? I will tell you, then. They have tarred and feathered your subjects, plundered your merchants and your ships, denied all obedience to your laws and authority. Our conduct has been clement and long-forbearing; but now it is incumbent to take a different course. Whatever may be the consequence, we must risk something, or all is lost."

Nor had government done with its bills. A bill was brought into the lords for the better quartering and regulating the troops in the colonies; and on the 27th of May Chatham attended, and spoke in strong condemnation of the conduct of the people of Boston, but in still stronger of the irritating acts of the ministers towards them. He recommended milder measures, and that then, should these not succeed, he was ready to join in more stringent ones, such as should make them feel what it was to offend a fond and forgiving parent.

But even now another bill passed the house of commons-a bill for removing to another colony for trial any inhabitant of Massachusetts Bay, who was indicted for any murder or other capital offence which the governor might deem to be perpetrated in the attempt to put down tumults and riots. This measure was still more vehemently opposed than the rest. Colonel Barré referred to the trial and acquittal of captain Preston, as a proof that the juries of Boston were to be trusted. But, in the midst of these debates, news arrived of a fresh ship, named the Fortune, which had been emptied of its teas at Boston, and the whole destroyed. On this, lord North exclaimed, "Gentlemen talk of the people of Boston seeing their error! Is this, sir, seeing their error? Is this, sir, reforming? this making restitution to the East India Company? Surely, after this, no person will urge anything in their defence?"

Amongst the most powerful opponents to the bill ap- Before the debate closed, Mr. Rose Fuller uttered these peared Charles James Fox. Fox had displayed no parti- prophetic words :-"I will now take leave of your whole cular talent so long as he was in the ministerial ranks. He plan; you will commence your ruin from this day. I am appeared quite satisfied to receive his salary, and to squander sorry to say, that not only the house has fallen into this that and a great deal more in gambling; but no sooner error, but the people; and, if ever there was a nation rundid his father, lord Holland, set him at ease by paying ning headlong into ruin, it is this." In the lords it enoff his debts, the amount of which was one hundred countered an equally strenuous opposition, but it passed both and forty thousand pounds, and he not yet twenty-houses by large majorities. Still, there was one more bill; five, than he showed himself considerably restive. On but this related to the province of Canada. The French the opening of parliament he made speeches greatly catholic inhabitants amounted to one hundred and fifty to the astonishment and indignation of the king and thousand, whilst the protestants were said to amount only his ministers. Remonstrance producing no effect, on the to about four hundred. The French people had repeatedly 24th of February a letter from lord North was put into his petitioned for the recognition of their faith by law; and hands, in these laconic terms:-" Sir, his majesty has this bill, whilst it defined the boundaries of the colony.

A.D. 1774.]

THE ABOLITION OF THE MASSACHUSETTS CHARTER.

including in it all lands in the back settlements, not named in any previous charter, consented to the prayer of the majority of the inhabitants in favour of their religion. This gave extreme offence to the rigid puritan population of New England, but was undoubtedly the most judicious of all this batch of acts, for it rendered the natives of Canada loyal, and perfectly insensible to all the after attempts of the American insurgents to win them over to their party. Besides leaving the catholics in full enjoyment of their religion, but only within their own community, it made provision for the protestant faith, and it left the Canadians in possession of their ancient laws, except that in criminal cases the trial by jury was introduced. A provincial assembly was established, which was to be appointed and dismissed by the crown, and to take cognisance of all colonial matters, except taxation.

To commence a course of more rigour in Massachusetts, governor Hutchinson was recalled, and general Gage, a man who had seen service, and had the reputation of firmness and promptitude, was appointed in his stead. He set out for his new government with high expectations of what he should be able to effect, declaring that the Americans would only prove lions so long as the English continued lambs. Governor Hutchinson, on his arrival, confirmed the ministry in these ideas. Indeed, one of the great mistakes of the English altogether, had been always to entertain a contempt for the colonists. That they were nothing short of cowards, had been openly asserted by lord Sandwich in the peers, and colonel Grant in the commons. The name of Yankee" was become an epithet of ridicule, being originally merely the corruption of the word Anglois by the Indians. These remarks excited the deepest resentment in America.

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maged, according to Jefferson's own memoirs, the old records of the parliamentary proceedings against Charles I. The school in which these new revolutionists studied is thus indicated:-"With the help of Rushton," says Jefferson, "whom we rummaged for revolutionary precedents, and from the puritans of that day, we cooked up a resolution, somewhat modernising their phrases, for appointing the 6th of June, on which the Port Bill was to commence, for a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, to implore Heaven to avert from us the evil of civil war; to inspire us with firmness in support of our rights, and to turn the hearts of king and parliament to moderation and justice." Conscious, however, that neither of these concoctors of the resolutions had much venerability of character to add weight to such a motion, they applied to a solemn elder, Robert Carter Nicholas, to move it, which he did, and it passed without opposition.

The next day, however, being the 25th of May, lord Dunmore, the governor of the province, dissolved the assembly, expressing much displeasure at the resolution. The members, nothing daunted, retired to the Raleigh Tavern, and, in their favourite retreat, the Apollo Chamber, passed a series of resolutions. The chief of these were to purchase nothing of the East India Company, except saltpetre and spices, until their injuries were redressed; to request the members of all corresponding committees to take measures for the appointment of members to a general congress, thus immediately adopting the idea of governor Pownall; that the new members of the assembly (the writs for which were already issuing) should meet at Williamsburg, to elect delegates from that colony to the congress. This done, the members all separated to their own homes, having agreed to solicit the clergy to recommend from their pulpits the general keeping of the fast-day of the 1st of June. This recommendation was adopted by the clergy, and Jefferson says that its effect throughout the colony was electrical.

But the mischief of the new acts became rapidly apparent, and all the prophecies of congresses and resistance were soon realised. Had the Boston Port Bill alone been passed, perhaps not much harm might have been done. There were numbers of people all over America who were of opinion that Boston had gone too far in destroying the tea, and might In the meantime, general Gage landed at Boston on the have remained passive if the Bostonians had been compelled 13th of May. The Port Bill had preceded him a few days, to make compensation. But the fatal act was that which and the tone of the other colonies rendered the Bostonians abolished the Massachusetts charter. That made the cause firmer in their temper than ever. Gage had married an common; that excited one universal alarm. If the English American lady, and he was received with every show of government were thus permitted to strike out the colonial cordiality and respect by the council, the magistrates, and charters at pleasure, all security had perished. All the principal gentlemen. He was invited to a public dinner, colonies determined to support their own cause in supporting and the same evening Hutchinson was burnt in effigy. The that of Massachusetts. Those who adhered to the English next day a meeting was called, which showed what sort of government were henceforth known only as tories;" and stuff Gage would have to deal with. The resolve of the men like colonel Washington, who had hitherto belonged to meeting was to stop all importation and exportation from the moderate party, now assumed a more hostile tone. The Great Britain and the West Indies until the Port Act was language of the opposition in England added to the en- repealed. The copy of the Port Act was printed with a couragement of the most determined; and the death of broad black border, and the document was circulated all Louis XV. of France kindled a hope that his more over the colonies, with fierce comments, and the denunciamoral and well-disposed successor might be induced to sym- tion of the act as "a barbarous, cruel, bloody, and inhuman pathise with a people struggling for independence against the power which had driven France from the North American States.

The Virginians were the first to move to lead the movement. Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson took the initiative in a measure which would have better suited the character of the religious New Englanders. They rum

murder." In many places it was burned publicly. At New York, where parties were more equally balanced, threats were used to compel the inhabitants to sympathise with the people of Boston. At Philadelphia, except the Quakers, who chiefly adhered to the government, there was a general agreement to keep the fast, and, under the name of "the Solemn League and Covenant," an association to

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