India have been invited to second with their liberality the exertions of my Government. Papers showing the extent of the famine, and the measures taken to relieve suffering, will be laid before you.

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Plague has also made its appearance in the seaport towns of Bombay and Karachi, and, notwithstanding the precautions adopted by the local authorities, shows no signs of decrease. I have directed my Government to take the most stringent measures at their disposal for the eradication of the pestilence.

"GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

"The Estimates for the year will be laid before you. While desirous of guarding against undue expenditure, I have felt that the present condition of the world will not permit you to depart from the spirit of prudent foresight in which you have during recent years provided for the defence of my empire.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"A measure for the promotion of primary education, by securing the maintenance of voluntary schools, will be laid before you. If time permits, you will be invited to consider further proposals for educational legislation.

"It is desirable to make better provision for the compensation of workpeople who suffer from accidents in the course of their employment, and a bill, having that object in view, will be submitted to you.

"Your consent will be asked to provisions which, in the judgment of the military authorities, are required for adding to the efficiency of the military defences of the empire.

"A bill will be submitted to you to improve the arrangements for water-supply in this metropolis.

"In order to promote the interests of agriculture, which are of paramount importance in Ireland, you will be asked to consider a bill for the establishment of a Board of Agriculture in that country.

"Further legislative proposals will be brought before you if the time at your disposal suffices for the purpose.

"Bills for admitting the evidence of accused persons, for amending the law with respect to bills of sale and the registration of land, for revising the acts with respect to the formation and administration of limited companies, for the amendment of the Agricultural Holdings Act in Great Britain, for the exclusion of the goods manufactured in the prisons of other countries, for the establishment of reformatories for inebriates, and for amending the existing procedure with respect to private bills coming from Scotland and Ireland, have been prepared, and, if opportunity for considering them should be found, will be laid before you.

"I heartily commend your important deliberations to the guidance of Almighty God."

On the eve of the session a private meeting of the Opposition peers had been held at Spencer House, presided over by Earl Spencer, when on the motion of the Earl of Cork, seconded by Lord Thring, the Earl of Kimberley was unanimously invited to resume his former position of Liberal leader in the Upper House. It was at the same time understood that Sir William Harcourt would be in all ways the actual leader of the party, and although this decision may have been accepted with certain mental reservations on the part of some of his colleagues, it was acquiesced in without protest.

In the House of Lords the debate on the address was opened by the Marquess of Bath and Lord Kenyon with great tact and considerable rhetorical skill, which earned for both the welldeserved compliments of the leaders on both sides. Lord Kimberley, after expressing regret at Lord Rosebery's withdrawal, paying a tribute to Archbishop Benson, and echoing the graceful things already said about the Queen's jubilee, at once turned to foreign affairs. Expressing his desire to avoid any attempt to embarrass the Government, he warmly congratulated Lord Salisbury on the arbitration treaty with America, and on the successful solution of the Venezuelan difficulty; but he confessed that he was not so satisfied with the state of affairs in Armenia. Although he should be unwilling to provoke war in Europe, he wished to know how matters really stood whether the treaty under which we held Cyprus was wholly dead, and why the Queen's Speech referred to the Treaty of Paris and not to the Treaty of Berlin. He could not understand the mystery with which the Government had surrounded their Soudanese policy, for the country was not allowed to know how much farther we were to go, nor when any further steps were to be taken. After a sympathetic reference to the Indian famine and to affairs in South Africa, he brought his speech to a close by a brief reference to the legislative programme of the Government, as to which he commented on the novel and excessive caution with which her Majesty's ministers had made the passing of nearly every bill they mentioned a matter of doubt. He was especially astonished at the mention of a bill to form a Board. of Agriculture for Ireland, as he believed that the question of Ireland's financial relations would be much more likely to occupy the time of Parliament than any such scheme.

Lord Salisbury's reply was a remarkable confession that both political parties had been mistaken in their Eastern policy. He denied that it was the invention of Lord Beaconsfield-it was a legacy from Lord Clarendon, who had dictated it. Both parties "had staked their money on the wrong horse," and it would have been wiser in 1853 to have accepted the proposals of the Emperor Nicholas than to have adopted the policy which led to the Crimean War. It was difficult to reverse that policy, but by not doing so we had practically

alienated Russia and could not count upon her co-operation, whilst without her it was impossible to act effectively in the East. The best course, therefore, was to ensure the action of the Powers in concert, and if necessary to pledge them to use force to coerce the Sultan. Unless essential reforms were adopted the doom of the Turkish Empire could not be much longer delayed. As to Egypt, he expressed his readiness to explain the policy of the Government in reference to the Soudan in the minutest detail, if he could do it with Lord. Kimberley alone; but he could not do it in public, as if he did all the plans they had prepared would immediately become known to the Khalifa at Omdurman. But he repeated what he said last year, that we had occupied Dongola because it was on the high road to Khartoum, and the occupation of Khartoum, sooner or later, was aimed at. As to the arbitration treaty with America, he did not say it would put a stop to war, but it would, at all events, diminish the risks of war. It might not restrain a Napoleon or a Bismarck, but it would prevent the jingo spirit which animated some patriots of all nations from exasperating minor differences between two friendly countries into war. In that he hoped it would be successful, and later on others would carry it still farther.

In the House of Commons, before taking the address, Mr. James Lowther (Isle of Thanet, Kent) proposed to abolish the standing order forbidding peers to interfere in parliamentary elections, but was defeated by 334 to 68 votes. The address was then moved by Viscount Folkestone (Wilton, Wilts) and seconded by Hon. Alfred Lyttelton (Warwick) in graceful terms. Sir William Harcourt (Monmouthshire, W.) began by congratulating the Government on the settlement of the differences with Venezuela, and claimed that he had done nothing to increase the difficulties in the way of bringing that question to a satisfactory conclusion. As to the general treaty of arbitration, it afforded to a still greater degree ground for congratulation, as it would probably result in establishing peace and goodwill with America upon a permanent footing. Turning to the less auspicious topic of South Africa, Sir W. Harcourt said the House was about to institute a most important inquiry into the condition of affairs there. The committee would have to consider the future organisation of that dilapidated territory, but it would doubtless address itself to two main objects: first, to restore good feeling and cordiality between the two races in South Africa; and, secondly, to vindicate the character of this nation for good faith in its dealings with other countries. He next asked for further information respecting the Egyptian policy of the Government. The military expedition to Dongola had, he admitted, been conducted with great ability and success, but they were entitled to have a clearer explanation than had yet been given as to what the Government were aiming at. After adverting to the difficulties and perils surrounding this

Egyptian question in connection with our international relations, Sir W. Harcourt went on to speak of the massacres at Constantinople and in Armenia, observing that, although he did not charge her Majesty's Government with indifference to these horrible events, this country had a right to expect_an explanation why the influence of Great Britain had proved to be so unavailing. Europe, he insisted, ought to know in what situation we stood with reference to the Anglo-Turkish Convention. In case the Sultan carried out the proposed reforms, would the convention revive and should we then be bound to make war upon Russia in defence of the Asiatic possessions of Turkey? If so, our Eastern policy in the future would be as great a failure as it had been in the past. With regard to domestic affairs, the prospect at home was cheerful, for this had been a year of extraordinary prosperity in trade. The Chancellor of the Exchequer would have several millions to dispose of, but what was he going to do with them? It would be necessary to take into account the Irish demand founded upon the report of the Financial Relations Commission; and therefore he asked the Government to give the House an opportunity of thoroughly discussing this grave question before the Budget was introduced. Referring, lastly, to the subject of elementary education, Sir W. Harcourt said he desired. to approach the subject in a spirit of peace, and, after some humoursome criticism of the correspondence between the Bishop of Chester and Cardinal Vaughan, he declared that if the Government would only adhere to the dictates of common-sense the Opposition would defend them from the Church party. The Opposition took their stand on the fundamental principles of the settlement of 1870, and in that spirit they would be ready to give a fair consideration to any proposals brought forward with the object, not of endowing denominations, but of educating the nation.

Mr. Balfour (Manchester, E.) in a comparatively brief reply dwelt first on the Venezuelan boundary question, and cordially recognised the fact that Sir W. Harcourt and his friends had most patriotically done their best to prevent any special difficulty from being raised in the course of the negotiations which had now been brought to a happy termination. As to the general treaty of arbitration, although nominally it was limited in duration to five years, it would, he hoped, be a perpetual guarantee of peace between the two great English-speaking communities. With regard to South Africa, he trusted that the labours of the committee, however protracted, would end in some worthy and permanent result. The leader of the Opposition said the policy of the Government in the Soudan increased the difficulties of our policy with regard to the other European Powers. In reality, however, the responsibilities of England were not confined to Egypt, and, even if the Egyptian episode were suddenly expunged from history, it would not be

possible to diminish our naval and military forces by a ship or a man. He maintained that we were right, in no spirit of reckless adventure or crusade, to restore to Egypt provinces which she had recently held and which it was undoubtedly for the advantage of humanity that she should hold again. With regard to the massacres in Turkey, he defended the policy of her Majesty's Government, and confidently trusted that the joint action of the Powers would produce results which were earnestly to be desired in the interest of the Christian populations in Turkey and also in the interest of European peace. Again referring to the question of the Soudan, Mr. Balfour announced that a vote would be taken to sanction the advance to the Egyptian Government of the sum paid back to the Caisse de la Dette. The Government would ask Parliament at a very early date to sanction the advance of the money to Egypt, and that would be a convenient opportunity to criticise the policy of the Government. At that hour he felt unequal even to touch upon the financial relations between this country and Ireland, of which they would doubtless hear a great deal, but which could not be treated at the fag-end of a speech. It was only necessary for him now to say, on behalf of the Government, that in their judgment the late commissioners, whatever encomiums they might deserve, were, at all events, guilty of sins of omission. The Government would therefore take measures for making further investigations, and in a very few days he would state the exact terms of reference to the future investigating body, and an opportunity would then be given to raise the whole question. With reference to the education controversy, he felt grateful for Sir W. Harcourt's offer of cooperation, though he confessed he founded very slight hopes upon it. He hoped the coming bill would receive the general support of members on the ministerial side, and that its discussion would not take up an inordinate amount of parliamentary time.

The debate was continued by several members, who urged various points for the consideration of the Government, and Mr. J. A. Pease (Tyneside, Northumberland) moved a specific amendment expressing regret that her Majesty's speech contained no statement to the effect that slavery had ceased to exist in the British protectorate of Zanzibar. The Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Mr. G. Curzon (Southport, Lancashire), attempted to parry the question by stating that the Government adhered to the pledges given by him more than once, that on his return to Zanzibar Mr. Hardinge should receive the instructions of the Government to abolish the status of slavery in Zanzibar and Pemba. Mr. Hardinge would not arrive at Zanzibar until the end of the month, when he would at once place himself in communication with the Sultan, and consult him as to certain details which the Government had been unable to settle in this country.