and complete. When at last the slave-trader is stamped with the character and subjected to the punishment of the pirate, slave trading will soon be as rare an occurrence in the world, as other kinds of piracy are at this day..

No possible objection can be raised to this remedy in point of reason or justice. It is no more than a necessary conformity to principles already established. Robbery on the high seas, or murder, or violence with intent to rob, is piracy. But slavetrading always involves manstealing and murder. Even on the passage, its murders are numerous. In the most favourable circumstances, numbers perish miserably from the dire effect of their cruel imprisonment. When, therefore, the trade is pro hibited by law, it would be improper to treat it as less than a capital offence; and when declared to be contrary to the general law of nations, it becomes, like other piracies, a crime which all have the right and the duty to restrain.

This course is also strongly recommended by its simplicity and convenience.

Every maritime state has laws already framed against pirates, and modes of trial already instituted. No complicated arrangements would, therefore, be required for giving effect to the concurrent decree of the great powers of Europe on this subject. The slave-trader being marked as a pirate, an enemy of the hu→ man race, would find his station without difficulty amongst felons of the worst description; and his crime would meet with its just reward, that of the robber and murderer,

The period proposed for commencing this system would leave abundant time for persons now engaged in the slave-trade to withdraw from it. Those, therefore, would be left wholly without excuse, who should afterwards be found thus offending against the public law of nations, founded upon, and declaratory of, the law of nature and of God.

Although this plan should be adopted, it will still be necessary that a vigilant superintendance should be exercised over the conduct of the trade, during the period it is still permitted to continue, and perhaps for a few years afterwards. Without this, the trade would be so eagerly pursued during the term still allowed it, that probably a greater sum of misery would be crowded into the remaining months of its existence, than the world has yet witnessed in the same space of time. Would it not, therefore, be desirable that the maritime powers of Europe should agree to equip small squadrons for the protection of Africa; which, dispersed along her shores, should rigidly enforce the ob

servance of all the existing regulations and prohibitions with respect to the slave-trade? Its extent would thus be kept, while it lasted, within its appointed limits; and after it had ceased to be legal in any case, the frequent visits of such squadrons would render the attempt to renew it utterly hopeless. The personal risk would be of too serious a kind to be any longer deliberately encountered by so many individuals as must concur in preparing the piratical expedition, and in forming the crew of the slaveship. Then should we behold the delightful spectacle of ships of war of different nations meeting on the ocean, not as enemies, but as friends; not to destroy men's lives, too often for mistaken or worthless objects, but at once to rescue, to enlighten, and to bless mankind.

And now, illustrious and generous potentates, will you permit the author of this address humbly to remind you, that the measures which have been proposed to you, great and noble as they undoubtedly are in themselves, are peculiarly worthy of your elevated stations. By decreeing the adoption of them, you would be fulfilling, in an eminent degree, those duties which the page of Revelation assigns as the high and appropriate obligation of the supreme power in every state: you would become at once a terror to evil doers," and "the ministers of God for good" to the most oppressed and miserable of the human race.

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To you, then, illustrious potentates, humanity looks up as the vicegerents of that Power, whose very essence is benevolence: and it is humbly conceived, that upon you, above all other monarchs; upon you, over whom the shield of Providence has been so palpably extended, and for whom the arm of Omnipotence has so manifestly fought, the great interests of mankind have a peculiar claim. Dedicate, then, on the shrine of mercy and justice, the noblest offering that confederate princes ever offered there. Thus will you encircle your names with a radiance more bright than the jewels of your crowns, and more unfading than the laurels of your victories; a radiance which will as much eclipse the splendour of all ordinary fame, as the two continents which your power and clemency will have liberated and blessed, exceed in extent the limits within which the efforts of other philanthropists have been allowed to operate.

Speech on the Propriety of Revising the Criminal Laws, delivered Dec. 10, 1818, before the Corporation of the City

of London. By Samuel Favell. 8vo. pp. 72. Hunter, 1819.

WE E rejoice that a discussion on the propriety of revising the Penal Code, has drawn from the Corporation of the city of London an expression of principles the most just, and of feelings the most humane, As the necessity of rendering property secure has been brought forward most conspicuously as the plea for continuing the severe denunciations of the existing laws, we regard the testimony of that city, which is the most distinguished for its wealth and its commerce, as peculiarly valuable and auspicious. The great subject of the late discussion could not have been introduced in a manner more calculated to produce effect, and less likely to excite opposition, than it was in the speech which is now before us. The grounds taken are every where such as are the least open to question-the arguments are all grounded on undeniable facts, and supported by respectable authorities-and the zeal exhibited is at once worthy of the cause for its warmth, and calculated to produce practical good by its judicious direction. We give the following as a specimen of Mr. Favell's mode of reasoning on one of the numerous incidental evils the present system occasions :

"And now, my Lord Mayor, what are the pretexts for upholding the present system of criminal jurisprudence? I would speak of the constituted authorities with becoming deference, especially as they are engaged in the administration of the laws; yet I cannot help adverting to the singular manner in which the noble secretary of state, Lord Sidmouth, would evade the necessity of a revision of our criminal laws. When Sir Samuel Romilly's bill, for repealing that part of the acts of the 10th and 11th of King William which took away the benefit of clergy from persons privately stealing in shops, was debated, Lord Sidmouth asked what could prevent a prosecutor from laying his charge, and afterwards his indictment, according to his own discretion? His lordship added, If the prosecutor see cause for bringing a charge of stealing to a smaller amount than the sum made capital in the act, will he not thus do away all the evils complained of?-I would, however, ask the noble lord whether the law should place a prosecutor under that dilemma, that he must either do violence to the feelings of humanity, or trifle with the sacred obligations of an oath, while with the perfect knowJedge of a robbery to the amount of five pounds, he estimates the sum stolen at not more than thirty-nine shillings, though he has been solemnly sworn to speak the truth, the whole truth, and no

thing but the truth? Must not such a prosecutor appear before the seat of justice as with a lie in his right hand, and with a defiled conscience not to be purified by the plenary indulgence of the noble secretary? Were puuishments awarded, more in unison with the just feelings of mankind, there would no longer be need of resorting to those pious perjuries to which it must be admitted that prosecutors, judges, and juries have been compelled to expose themselves for the humane purpose of screening culprits from the unrelenting severity of the law. So unrelenting indeed is that severity, that had not mercy interposed to prevent the execution of the law, about sixteen criminals would have been executed every month in Middlesex alone. Surely, by such a policy the character of our country is committed with every other civilized nation: nor can it be an easy task to resist the conviction that it is become necessary to exchange the sanction of capital punishments too ill apportioned to crimes, to be generally executed, for punishments less rigorous but more certain. I have, I trust, ás profound a reverence for the laws as any man: I regret to see them regarded as mere forms, instead of being repealed or amended where they appear too severe or ineffectual."

The following anecdotes are interesting, and pleasingly show, that a sense of the excessive severity of our Criminal Code has been entertained by the highest individuals of the nation.

"There are two well-authenticated anecdotes which strikingly display the severe complexion of our criminal code. George IL, in the early part of his reign, was so shocked at the frequency of capital convictions, that before he could be brought to order criminals for execution, he was accustomed to walk about the room in a state of agitation, and to whirl about his hat, which was with him a sign of great displeasure.-His present majesty also, at the commencement of his reign, on receiving the recorder's report, finding among the capital convictions one criminal charged with the felony of stealing privily, inquired what it meant, as distinguished from picking a pocket. He was answered, that it meant the taking the article without the knowledge of the party from whom it was stolen; and that though picking a pocket was not a capital felony, yet taking any thing of the value of one shilling privily from the person was punishable with death. Why,' replied his majesty, I had always understood that the very essence of pocket-picking was to do it as much as possible without the knowledge of the party robbed.' The king refused to order the criminal for execution, and he was transported. These facts sufficiently declare the opinions entertained by the highest characters in the country respecting the severity of our laws, at least as to the punishment of minor offences."

Some valuable observations are contained in the letter of a friend, appended to the speech. In this paper, as well as in the speech

itself, the opinions of eminent men of all political sentiments are collected, which abundantly show that the question is not one of party. We cannot conclude this brief notice, without expressing a hope that the example of the city of London will be followed by other towns throughout the kingdom; and that the voice of humanity will be raised from every part of the island, until punishment shall be rendered effectual for the prevention of offences, and be made the source of penitence and reform.

Petition presented to the House of Commons by the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, January 25, 1819,

To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled. The humble Petition of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, in Common Council assembled, SHOWETH, that your Petitioners are greatly interested in the Police both for the City of London, and for the County of Middlesex, where His Majesty's commissions for the trial of offenders issue yearly, and eight sessions at the least are held every year; and they are impressed with the conviction, that their representations upon the present state of the Criminal Law, and its effects on public morals, will be deemed worthy the consideration of your Honourable House.

That upwards of 200 crimes, very different in their degrees of enormity, are equally subject to the punishment of Death, which is enacted not only for the most atrocious offences,-for burglary, for rape, for murder, and for treason, but for many offences unattended with any cruelty or violence, for various minor crimes, and even for stealing privately to the amount of five shillings in a shop.

That from the returns upon the table of your Honourable House, it appears that crimes have for some years been rapidly increasing, both in number and malignity, to the injury of the rising generation, and the debasement of the national character. That there were committed for trial in Middlesex in the years