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REMONSTRANCE

OF SOME FREE MEN, STATES, AND PRESSES,
TO THE TEXAS REBELLION, AGAINST
THE LAWS OF NATURE AND OF NATIONS.

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Sold at the Patriot Office, No. 9 Exchange st. Albany.

Six ets, single; 50 per dozen; $3 per hundred; $25 per thousand.

Benjamin Lundy,

(Gen. Gaines' trespass,)
Mexican Decrees for
Universal Freedom,
Texas Constitution
against Freedom,
President Guerero,
John Quincy Adams,
The Mexican Arms,
The London Patriot,
William B. Reed,
National Intelligencer,
Edward J. Wilson,
G. L. Postlethwaite,
New-York Sun,

Delenda est Texas.

N. Y. Commercial Advertiser,
Wilkinson's and Burr's trial,
African Slave Trade and Texas,
British Commissioners Report,
(Bartow's Case,)
Detroit Spectator,
American Citizen,

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Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna,

Robert Owen,

Thomas Branagan,

Joseph Sturge,

William E. Channing,
Commonwealth of Mass.,
Nathaniel P. Rogers,
David Lee Child,
Edwin W. Goodwin,
Joshua R. Giddings,
John Maynard,
Zebina Eastman,
Gamaliel Bailey,
A. S. Standard,
William L. McKenzie,
La Roy Sunderland,
J. B. Lamar,
Archibald L. Linn,
William Slade,

British Emancipator,
G. W. Alexander,

George Bradburn,
Edmund Quincy,
Pawtucket Chronicle,
Cleveland Journal,
Legislature of Vermont,
Gen. Assembly of Ohio State,
A. S. Society of Pennsylvania,
A. S. Convention of N. Y. State,
Philadelphia Gazette,
Friend of Man,

Pres. Jackson's Inconsistency,
William B. Tappan,

Southport American,
Edward Everett,

Mass. Legislature, 1843.
The Free American,
The Liberator,
The Liberty Press,
New-York American,

Mexican Side,

New-York Tribune,

Pittsburg Gazette,

Lynn Record,

Richmond Whig,
Hoonsocket Patriot,

Hampshire Republican,
William H. Burleigh,
Louisville Journal,
State of Rhode Island,
Legislature of Michigan,
John Quincy Adams,
Seth M. Gates,
William Slade,
William B. Calhoun,
Joshua R. Giddings,
Sherlock J. Andrews,
Nathaniel B. Borden,
Thomas C. Chittenden,
John Mattocks,
Christopher Morgan,

J. C. Howard, Victor Birdseye,
Hiland Hall, Thos. A. Tomlinson,
Stanley A. Clark, Chas. Hudson,
Archibald L. Linn,

Thos. W. Williams, Tru. Smith, Dav. Bronson, Geo. N. Briggs, Petition to Congress.

TEXAS AND MEXICO.

But the prime cause, and the real object of this war, are not distinctly understood by a large portion of the honest, disinterested, and well-meaning citizens of the United States. Their means of obtaining correct information upon the subject have been necessarily limited; and many of them have been deceived and misled by the misrepresentations of those concerned in it, and especially by hireling writers of the newspaper press. They have been induced to believe that the inhabitants of Texas were engaged in a legitimate contest for the maintenance of the sacred principles of liberty, and the natural, inalienable rights of man-whereas, the motives of its instigators, and their chief incentives to action, have been, from the commencement, of a directly opposite character and tendency. It is susceptible of the clearest demonstration, that the immediate cause, and the leading object of this contest, originated in a settled design, among the slaveholders of this country, (with land speculators and slave-traders,) to wrest the large and valuable territory of Texas from the Mexican Republic, in order to re-establish the SYSTEM OF SLAVERY; to open a vast and profitable SLAVE MARKET therein; and ultimately to annex it to the United States. And further, it is evident-nay, it is very generally acknowledgedthat the insurrectionists are principally citizens of the United States, who have proceeded thither for the purpose of revolutionizing the country; and that they are dependant upon this nation, for both the physical and pecuniary means, to carry the design into effect. Whether the national legislature will lend its aid to this most unwarrantable, aggressive attempt, will depend on the VOICE OF THE PEOPLE, expressed in their primary assemblies, by their petitions and through

the ballot boxes.

The land speculations, aforesaid, have extended to most of the cities and villages of the United States, the British colonies in America, and the settlements of foreigners in all the eastern parts of Mexico. All concerned in them are aware that a change in the government of the country must take place, if their claims should ever be legalized.

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The advocates of slavery, in our southern states and elsewhere, want more land on this continent suitable for the culture of sugar and cotton and if Texas, with the adjoining portions of Tamaulipas, Coahuila, Chihuahua, and Santa Fe, east of the Rio Bravo del Norte, can be wrested from the Mexican government, room will be afforded for the redundant slave population in the United States, even to a remote period of time.

Such are the motives for action-such the combination of interests such the organization, sources of influence, and foundation of authority, upon which the present Texas Insurrection rests. The resident colonists compose but a small fraction of the party concerned in it. The standard of revolt was raised as soon as it was clearly ascertained that slavery could not be perpetuated, nor the illegal specula tions in land continued, under the government of the Mexican Republic. The Mexican authorities were charged with acts of oppression, while the true causes of the revolt-the motives and designs of the insurgents

-were studiously concealed from the public view. Influential slaveholders are contributing money, equipping troops, and marching to the scene of conflict. The land speculators are fitting out expeditions from New York and New Orleans, with men, munitions of war, provisions, &c., to promote the object. The Independence of Texas is declared, and the system of slavery, as well as the slave-trade (with the United States,) is fully recognized by the government they have set up. Commissioners are sent from the colonies and agents are appointed here, to make formal application, enlist the sympathies of our citizens, and solicit aid in every way that it can be furnished. The hireling presses are actively engaged in promoting the success of their efforts, by misrepresenting the character of the Mexicans, issuing inflammatory appeals, and urging forward the ignorant, the unsuspeeting, the adventurous, and the unprincipled, to a participation in the struggle.

Under the erroneous construction of the treaty with Mexico, General Gaines was authorized to cross the boundary line with his army; to march seventy miles into the Mexican territory; and to occupy the military post of Nacogdoches, in case he should judge it expedient in order to guard against Indian depredations! And further; he was likewise authorized to call upon the governors of several of the southwestern states for an additional number of troops, should he consider it necessary.

From the Pensacolo Gazette.

"About the middle of last month, General Gaines sent an officer of the United States army into Texas to reclaim some deserters. He found them already enlisted in the Texian service to the number of two hundred. They still wore the uniform of our army, but refused, of course, to return. The commander of the Texian forces was applied to, to enforce their return; but his only reply was, that the soldiers might go, but he had no authority to send them back. This is a new view of our Texian relations."

The following decrees and ordinances are translated from an official compilation by authority of the government of MEXICO.

Extract from the Law of October 14th, 1823.

Article 21. Foreigners who bring slaves with them, shall obey the Laws established upon the matter, or which shall hereafter be estab lished.

DECREE OF JULY 13, 1824.

Prohibition of the Commerce and Traffic in Slaves.

The Sovereign General Constituent Congress of the United Mexi can States has held it right to decree the following:

1. The commerce and traffic in slaves, proceeding from whatever power, and under whatever flag, is forever prohibited, within the territories of the United Mexican States.

2. The slaves, who may be introduced contrary to the tenor of the preceding article, shall remain free in consequence of treading the Mexican soil.

3. Every vessel, whether national or foreign, in which slaves mav be transported and introduced into the Mexican territories, shall be confiscated with the rest of its cargo-and the owner, purchaser, captain, master, and pilot, shall suffer the punishment of ten years' confinement.

The Constitution of Coahuila and Texas, promulgated on the 11th of March, 1827, also contains this important article:

"13. In this state no person shall be born a slave after this Constitution is published in the capital of each district, and six months thereafter, neither will the introduction of slaves be permitted under any pretext."

[Translated from page 149, Vol. V, Mexican Laws.]

DECREE OF PRESIDENT GUERRERO.

Abolition of Slavery.

The President of the United Mexican States, to the inhabitants of the Republic

Be it known: That in the year 1829, being desirous of signalizing the anniversary of our Independence by an act of national Justice and Beneficence, which may contribute to the strength and support of such inestimable welfare, as to secure more and more the public tranquility, and reinstate an unfortunate portion of our inhabitants in the sacred rights granted them by nature, and may be protected by the nation, under wise and just laws, according to the provision in article 30 of the Constitutive act; availing myself of the extraordinary faculties granted me, I have thought proper to decree:

1. That slavery be exterminated in the republic.

2. Consequently those are free, who, up to this day, have been looked upon as slaves.

3. Whenever the circumstances of the public treasury will allow it, the owners of slaves shall be indemnified, in the manner which the laws shall provide.

Mexico, 15th Sept. 1829, A. D.

JOSE MARIA de BOCANEGRA.

[Translation of part of the law of April 6th, 1830, prohibiting the migration of citizens of the United States to Texas.]

ART. 9. On the northern frontier, the entrance of foreigners shall be prohibited, under all pretexts whatever, unless they be furnished with passports, signed by the agents of the republic, at the places whence they proceed.

ÅXT. 10. There shall be no variation with regard to the colonies already established, nor with regard to the slaves that may be in them; but the general government, or the particular state government, shall take care, under the strictest responsibility, that the colonization laws be obeyed, and that NO MORE SLAVES BE INTRODUCED.

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