ATTACK AND DEFENSE OF WASHINGTON'S POLICY. 429

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Meanwhile Democratic societies continued to spread CHAPTER and multiply, and the attacks upon the president in the opposition papers to grow more and more violent. Un- 1793. der these circumstances, Hamilton took the field in defense of the proclamation of neutrality in a series of articles under the signature of Pacificus, in which he maintained, with great ability, not only the policy of that measure, but the president's right, by its issue, to decide upon the position in which the nation stood. To these articles a reply appeared, signed Helvidius, and written by Madison at the special instigation and request of Jefferson, who still continued to play the somewhat inconsistent parts of secret head of the opposition and leading member of the administration. In the letter July 8

pressing Madison to take upon himself the task of answering" Hamilton's heresies," the assumption especially that the president had a right to decide the question of neutrality, Genet is spoken of as a hot-headed, passionate man, without judgment, likely by his indecency to excite the public indignation, and rendering Jefferson's own position "immensely difficult." Indeed, he soon felt himself in a position so awkward as to send a note July 31 to the president expressing his intention to resign at the close of the ensuing month of September.

Washington's feelings at the violence with which his policy began to be assailed were strongly expressed in a letter to Henry Lee. "That there are in this, as well July 21. as in all other countries, discontented characters, I well know, as also that these characters are actuated by very different views; some good, from an opinion that the measures of the general government are impure; some bad, and, if I might be allowed to use so harsh an expression, diabolical, inasmuch as they are not only meant to impede the measures of the government gener

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In

CHAPTER ally, but more especially, as a great means toward the accomplishment of it, to destroy the confidence which it 1793. is necessary for the people to place, until they have unequivocal proof of demerit, in their public servants. this light I consider myself, while I am an occupant of office; and if they were to go further, and call me their slave, I would not dispute the point.

"But in what will this abuse terminate? For the result, as it respects myself, I care not; for I have a consolation within that no earthly efforts can deprive me of, and that is, that neither ambition nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. The arrows of malevolence, therefore, however barbed and well pointed, never can reach the most vulnerable part of me, though, while I am up as a mark, they will be continually aimed. The publications in Freneau's and Bache's papers are outrages on common decency; and they progress in that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt and are passed by in silence by those at whom they are aimed. The tendency of them, however, is too obvious to be mistaken by men of cool and dispassionate minds, and, in my opinion, ought to alarm them, because it is difficult to set bounds to the effect."

Meanwhile, the embarrassments of the government continued to increase. The judge of the Pennsylvania district had decided that he had no power to interfere for the restoration of prizes captured within the waters of the United States, that being rather a question of politics than of property. The judges also of the Supreme Court, who had been appealed to as to the rights and duties of the United States growing out of their neutral position, were unwilling to give any opinion on the subject, unless in some suit legally brought before them. The indictment against Hatfield coming on for trial, in

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spite of a clear case on the evidence, and a distinct and CHAPTER positive charge as to the law from the presiding judges, the prisoner was acquitted by the jury, to the vast de- 1793. light of the French faction, and amid the acclamations of the assembled multitude. Genet's correspondence grew every day more insolent; and, as the necessity of some decided course was apparent, a new cabinet council was held to consider what should be done.

It

After reading over Genet's correspondence, it was unanimously agreed to send a copy of the whole, with a full statement of Genet's conduct, to Gouverneur Morris, to be laid before the Executive Council of France, with a letter requesting his recall. Jefferson was for expressing this desire with great delicacy; the others were for peremptory terms. It was also resolved to furnish Genet with a statement, the same in substance with that sent to France, and to let him know that his recall had been demanded-a course warmly opposed by Jefferson, who gave as his reasons that it would render Genet still more active, and might even endanger confusion. was next proposed to publish the whole correspondence, with a statement of all the proceedings, by way of that very appeal to the people which Genet had threatened. This truly democratic course, so necessary at the present moment to bring out an expression of public opinion in support of the government, and of which the wise policy was afterward tested by experience, though very warmly advocated by Hamilton, and though Washington was much inclined to adopt it, was defeated by the opposition of Jefferson and Randolph. Such an appeal, they urged, might give offense to France, and cause her to retract her offer of a treaty of commerce. Genet would also appeal; and as there had been differences of opinion in the cabinet as to the decisions arrived at, so

Aug. 1-3.

CHAPTER there would be differences in public opinion. One point VI. likely to have great weight with Washington was very 1793. artfully touched: such an appeal would tend to convert

him from the head of the nation into the head of a party In the course of this discussion, on an allusion by Knox to some recent libels, Washington became very much excited, and, as Jefferson records with evident exultation, "got into one of those passions when he can not command himself; ran on much on the personal abuse which had been bestowed upon him; defied any man on earth to produce one single act of his, since he had been in the government, which had not been done on the purest motives. He had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of resigning his office, and that was every moment since; and, by God, he had rather be in his grave than in his present situation. He had rather be on his farm than to be made emperor of the world; and yet they were charging him with wanting to be a king. That rascal Freneau sent him three of his papers every day, as if he would become the distributor of them, an act in which he could see nothing but an impudent design to insult him." It was only for a moment, and that very rarely, that Washington ever lost his self-command. He soon recovered himself, and the discussions went on. A circular was agreed upon, to be addressed to the collectors of the customs, setting forth what might and what might not be done by the ships of the belligerents within the waters of the United States; and directing them to keep strict watch upon whatever passed within the harbors, creeks, and inlets of their respective districts, and upon discovery of any thing suspicious, to give immediate notice to the United States attorney for the district and to the governor of the state. To the state governors requests had already been sent to exert

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all their authority, to the extent of calling out the mili- CHAPTER tia if necessary, for the seizure and detention of prizes illegally taken, and of all vessels violating the neutrality 1793. of the United States. Information was communicated to the British minister that compensation would be made to the owners of British vessels captured by French privateers fitted out within the United States subsequent to the notice to Genet of June 5th that such equipments would not be allowed. But for the future, as the gov ernment intended to exert all the means in its power for the prevention of such breaches of neutrality, the British government must regard those efforts as a full discharge of neutral obligations. Genet was called upon to give up all the vessels captured under the above-mentioned circumstances, as otherwise the French government would be held responsible for the pecuniary amount of the necessary indemnities; also, all vessels captured within the waters of the United States—the distance of a marine league from the exterior coast being fixed as the limit.

Considering the prevailing ignorance on the part of the people as to the exact duties which a position of neutrality imposed, and the strong sentiment felt by many that the United States ought to side with France at any rate, impelled thereto as well by treaty obligations as political sympathy, the position of the cabinet would have been sufficiently difficult even had all its members been firmly united.

But to all the former points of difference between Jefferson and Hamilton, new ones had been added, not only as to the meaning and effect of the proclamation of neutrality, but as to the entire policy to be pursued by the government with respect to the belligerents. Hamilton considered the president's proclamation as having decided IV. E E