LETTERS FROM General WASHINGTON TO | niences which had prevailed for want of system CÆSAR RODNEY.* CAMP, FOUR MILES FROM POTTS' GROVE, September 24, 1777. in the clothing department, and the necessity there was for an early appointment of state or sub-clothiers, agreeably to the ordinance established by congress, by their act of the 23d March, with which I presumed your excellency had been made acquainted. I am now under the necessity of troubling you with a further address on the subject of clothing itself. From the best information I have been able to obtain, both from returns and particular enquiries, I fear that there is but too much reason to apprehend, that unless the respective states interfere with their exertions, our supplies of this essential article will be very deficient, and that the troops may again experience on this account a part of those distresses which were so severely and injuriously felt in past stages of the war, and which a regard to the interests of the states, as well as to the duties of humanity, should prevent if it be practicable. I do not know exactly how matters will turn out with DEAR SIR-I last night read your favor of the 21st, and am much obliged to you for the book. This, and the one taken in the action at Chadsford, complete general Howe's orders from April to the 10th inst. I am sorry for the captivity of Mr. Berry, whom you mention to be a young man of merit, but no proposition for his exchange can be made at this time, nor can he be exchanged but in due course, which is the only rule by which equal justice can take place. The conduct of the militia is much to be regretted. In many instances, they are not to be roused, and in others they come into the field with all possible indifference, and, to all appearance, entirely unimpressed with the importance of the cause in which we are engaged. Hence proceeds a total inattention to order and to discipline, and too often a disgraceful depart-woolen clothing. I should hope tolerably well; ure from the army at the instant their aid is most wanted. I am inclined to think, the com plaints and objections offered to the militia laws are but too well founded. The interest of the community has not been well consulted in their formation, and, generally speaking, those I have seen are unequal. I wish I could inform you that our affairs were in a happier train than they now are. After various manoeuvres and extending his army high up the Schuylkill, as if he meant to turn our right flank, general Howe made a sudden countermarch on Monday night, and in the course of it and yesterday morning, crossed the river, which is fordable in almost every part several miles below us; he will possess himself of Philadelphia in all probability—but I think, he will not be able to hold it. No exertions shall but if the attention of the state should ever go to this, there will be little probability of our having an over-supply. But the articles to which I would take the liberty to solicit your excellency's more particular attention, are blankets, shirts, shoes and hats—more espe cially the two first, as our prospects of them are by no means pleasing, and such indeed as decides that the supply from the continental clothiers and agents will fall far short, or at least stand upon too critical and precarious a footing. The importance and advantages of good supplies of clothing are evident—and they have been most remarkably and happily demonstrated in the health of the troops, since they have been pretty comfortably provided for in this instance-a circumstance of all others the most interesting. While I am on the subject of clothing, I would also beg leave to add, that the condition of the officers in this respect, appears to me to require the attention of their states. It is really in many instances painfully distressing. The want of necessaries and the means of procuring them, at the present exorbitant prices, have compelled a great many officers of good reputation and merit to resign their commissions; -and, if they are not relieved, it must be the case with many others, as they will have no alternative. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, your excellency's most obedient servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON. His excellency Cæsar Rodney, esq. GEN. WASHINGTON TO C. RODNEY. HEAD QUARTERS, WEST POINT, August 26, 1779. SIR-I have the honor to enclose your excellency a list of sundry officers belonging to your state who have been in captivity and are reported by the commissary of prisoners, as violators of parole. A conduct of this kind, so ignominious to the individuals themselves, so dishonorable to their country, and to the service in which they have been engaged, and so injurious to those gentlemen who were associated with them in misfortune, but preserved their honor-demands that every measure should be taken to deprive them of the benefit of their delinquency and to compel their return. We have pledged ourselves to the enemy to do everything in our power for this purpose, and in consequence I directed Mr. Beatty, commissary of prisoners, to issue the summons hausted, we must depend on the precarious gleanings of the neighboring country. Our and our commissaries entirely destitute of magazines are absolutely empty everywhere, money or credit to replenish them. We have never experienced a like extremity at any period of the war. We have often felt temporary want from an accidental delay in forwarding supplies, but we always had something in our magazines and the means of procuring more. Neither one nor the other is at present the case. This representation is the result of a minute examination of our resources. Unless some extraordinary and immediate exertions be made by the states from which we draw our supplies, there is every appearance that the army will infallibly disband in a fortnight. I think it my duty to lay this candid view of our situation before your excellency, and to entreat us from the danger of an event, which, if it did not prove the total ruin of our affairs, would at least give them a shock they would not easily recover, and plunge us into a train of new and still more perplexing embarrassments than any we have hitherto felt. which you will probably have seen in the public the vigorous interposition of the state to rescue papers. But as it is likely to have a very partial operation, I find it necessary in aid of it to request the interposition of the executive powers of the different states to enforce a compliance. Most of these persons never having been and none of them now being in continental service, military authority will hardly be sufficient to oblige them to leave their places of residence and return to captivity, against their I have the honor to be, with great respect, your excellency's most obedient servant, G. WASHINGTON. inclination: Neither will it be difficult for them I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, your excellency's most obedient, humble servant, GEO. WASHINGTON. His excellency Governor Rodney. [Only one person of Delaware was charged in the schedule with having violated his parole.] GEN. WASHINGTON TO C. RODNEY. HEAD-QUARTERS, Morristown,—16 December, 1779. SIR-The situation of the army with respect to supplies, is beyond description alarming. It has been five or six weeks past on half allowance, and we have not more than three days' bread, at a third allowance, on hand, nor any where within reach. When this is ex GEN. WASHINGTON TO C. RODNEY. HEAD-QUARTERs, near the LibERTY POLE, BERGEN COUNTY, 27 August, 1780. SIR-The honorable the committee of cooperation having returned to congress, I am under the disagreeable necessity of informing your excellency that the army is again reduced to an extremity of distress for want of provision. The greater part of it has been without meat from the 21st to the 26th. To endeavor to obtain some relief, I moved down to this place, with a view of stripping the lower parts of the country of the remainder of its cattle, which, after a most rigorous exaction, is found to afford between two and three days' supply only, and those consisting of milch cows, and calves of one or two years old. When this scanty pittance is consumed, I know not what will be our next resource, as the commissary can give me no certain information of more than 120 head of cattle expected from Pennsylvania, and about 150 from Massachusetts-I mean in time to supply our immediate wants. Military coercion is no longer of any avail, as nothing further can possibly be collected from the country in which we are obliged to take a position, without depriving the inhabitants of the last morsel. This mode of subsisting, supposing the desired end could be answered by it, besides being in the highest degree distressing to individuals, is attended with ruin to the morals and discipline of the army. During the few days which we have been obliged to send out small parties to pro- | cure provisions for themselves, the most enormous excesses have been committed. It has been no inconsiderable support of our cause, to have had it in our power to contrast the conduct of our army with that of the enemy, and to convince the inhabitants that, while their rights were wantonly violated by the British troops, by ours they were respected. This distinction must, unhappily, now cease, and we must assume the odious character of the plunderers instead of the protectors of the people; the direct consequence of which must be, to alienate their minds from the army and insensibly from the cause. We have not yet been absolutely without flour, but we have this day, but one day's supply in camp, and I am not certain that there is a single barrel between this place and Trenton. I shall be obliged therefore to draw down one or two hundred barrels from a small magazine, which I had endeavored to establish at West Point, for the security of the garrison, in case of a sudden investiture. THOMAS RODNEY TO C. RODNEY. DOVER, July 20, 1779DEAR SIR-You will readily grant that it is evident from the low credit of our money, that the state of our finances is bad enough; yet I think congress is too much alarmed on this head, and is thereby urged into measures that still tend to depress the credit of the money. 'Tis well enough that they should alarm the people, that every exertion may be made by them to support congress in their measures for raising the value of the money-but if congress be too much alarmed themselves, they will not be so likely to direct these exertions in the best manner to answer effectually the purpose intended. Congress, in my humble opinion, ought to be cool, uniform and firm, in what they do on this head. Taxation, if not impeded by other means, will restore the money much sooner perhaps than congress apprehend; for, by this means, without destroying one bill, one half the money, at least, will be taken out of circulation, and the people will soon be amazed to see the money disappear, without hearing that any of it is destroyed. This position will appear evident to you when you consider, that, from the moment the present tax is collected, (if the plan is pursued), there will always be at least sixty millions of dollars locked up in the treasuries-and as fast as any part of this sum is dealt out to supply the exigencies of the war, it ought to be supplied by the taxes coming in. I think there can be no doubt but a sum, equal to what I have mentioned, will always remain in the treasury; that is, between the hands of the first collectors and those that pay it out to the people again: and while it is there, it will be out of sight and out of circulation. From the above state of facts, it may be foreseen that this army cannot possibly remain much longer together, unless very vigorous and immediate measures are taken by the states to comply with the requisitions made upon them. The commissary general has neither the means nor the power of procuring supplies-he is only to receive them from the several agents. Without a speedy change of circumstances, this dilemma will be involved: either the army must disband, or what is, if possible, worse, subsist upon the plunder of the people. I But if taxation has been too long neglected, would fain flatter myself that a knowledge of and is now too slow to supply your present our situation will produce the desired relief: demand, it is better to borrow, than emit any not a relief of a few days, as has generally more money-but not upon unusual interest;— heretofore been the case, but a supply equal to a higher interest than usual, holds out that the the establishment of magazines for the winter. people are not ready and willing to support the If these are not formed before the roads are public credit, and that the security is doubtful. broken up by the weather, we shall certainly An accumulating interest, to be in proportion experience the same difficulties and distresses to the increase of the quantity of money, holds the ensuing winter which we did the last. out that you intend to emit more—that is, that Although the troops have, upon every occasion you will make the monster yet more terrible, hitherto, borne their wants with unparalleled that has frightened every body almost out of patience, it will be dangerous to trust too | their wits already. munication of your sentiments on public affairs. I so much agreed with you concerning the expediency of acceding to the confederation, though, as you justly observe, in several particulars exceptionable, that I used what little influence I had to forward its ratification by our state; advising, at the same time, a strong declaration upon the parts objected to addressed to congress, and pointedly expressing our expectation of a revision and alteration thereof at a more convenient season. Borrowing is a measure I never would | the 17th, for which and the enclosure I am advise, if the necessity of our circumstances much obliged, as I shall always be for a comdid not drive us into it, by being past the opportunity of better means; but as we are now circumstanced, borrowing may have an extraordinary good effect, if the measure is wisely conducted—that is, if the friends to America would form themselves into bodies, or small societies, and every man subscribe according to his abilities to lend the public at usual interest, and each society to appoint one or more of their members to take a certificate for the gross sum they all subscribe, in trust to receive and pay each member his interest annually, and his principal according to the terms of lending. This is the mode the friends of the cause are endeavoring to promote here, that all persons whatever may have an opportunity of subscribing. When I see large societies formed in your city to promote their own particular sentiment about the constitution of government, I cannot think they would be backward in a measure of this sort, which possibly may be the means of saving the very existence of that government. The mode that I would advise in your city would be this: Let each class of people, according to their calling, associate together and let the merchants, who we may suppose the monied men, begin-their example will soon be followed by the rest. This would convince both our friends and enemies, as well abroad as at home, that the people are determined to support the public credit, and the only hope that Britain now has would vanish in a moment. Once this example is set, he that is able, and does not follow it, will give the strongest proof of his disaffection, and ought to be regarded accordingly. There are few evils but what have benefits proportionate attendant on them. War cannot Your reflections on our loan, and on some other proceedings, I fear, are too well founded. -Our difficulties are prodigious. We see the wisdom of your proposal to stop the presseswe perceive taxation to be of as much importance as you mention-we are desirous of borrowing on the lowest terms-but, while we have so many thousands to supply with necessaries, and while the demands upon us for the articles we must purchase are daily and hourly rising upon us, with such a boundless stretch -to what purpose are loans and taxes? I have esteemed it my duty since I have been in congress, to keep my eyes constantly fixed on the preventing further emissions-and several steps have been taken towards that point, that are known but by very few to lead towards it: some others are now under consideration-and I am impatiently waiting for the moment, when a prospect of carrying on affairs without further emissions, and a likelihood of succeeding in the attempt, will permit me to move for stopping the presses. Mrs. Dickinson and Sally, with myself, desire to be very affectionately remembered to your family. I am, sir, your sincerely affectionate and very humble servant, JOHN DICKINSON. THOS. RODNEY TO C. RODNEY. be carried on without supplies, and the high To Thomas Rodney, esq. Dover. Cæsar Rodney, esq. PHILADELPHIA, June 14, 1781. SIR-You will find by the contents of this, that it is a confidential letter, conveying you very important and pleasing intelligence. Congress has received a letter from the king of France, and also otherwise officially informed by his minister here, that the empress of Russia threw out an invitation for the belligerent powers to apply for her mediation, at which the court of London eagerly caught, and mentioned the emperor of Germany as another DEAR SIR-I have received your favor of mediator-and a congress was proposed to be JOHN DICKINSON, OF PENN. TO THOMAS RODNEY. PHILADELPHIA, July 23, 1779. Jefferson had five votes, Franklin four, and Laurens one. The states voted the same way three times. Then I proposed to the members of Virginia and Pennsylvania that we should appoint them both, which being generally agreed to, this day was appointed for the purpose, and then Laurens was included—so the appointment now consists of five. New Hamp were for Franklin, South Carolina for Laurens, THOMAS RODNEY. opened at Vienna, for the purpose of settling a | to add two more, then Jay was appointed—then general peace. The answer of the court of France was, that they could send no plenipotentiaries to said congress, till they had consulted their allies; but, in the mediators are such respectable powers, and may be so fully relied on for justice, the king presses the United States to submit to the mediation-and that the first preliminary he will insist on, previous to any other negotiation, shall be, the indepen-shire, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, dence of the United States, in full-and upon obtaining this, request that the states may be as moderate in all other demands as possible, that the mediating powers, may thereby receive favorably impressions of our equity and justice. The same mediating application was made to the court of Spain, and their answer was, that they could not do any thing but in conjunction with their ally, the king of France -so that the congress of mediation is likely to be delayed till our despatches reach France. However, the king says that, if he is so pressed that he cannot decently delay sending a plenipotentiary till that time, he shall insist on the preliminary before mentioned, and then only proceed in the negotiation so as to have it in such forwardness as will not injure America Cæsar Rodney, esq., Dover. against their plenipotentiaries and instructions. arrived. The king of France thinks that very equitable terms of peace may be obtained through this mediation, but urges us strongly to exert ourselves this campaign—as the wresting the southern states out of the hands of the British, will contribute greatly to lessen their demands and make them more readily incline to equitable terms of peace; and that our exertions ought to be quick and vigorous, lest a truce should take place: and to ensure the success of this mediation we ought to make the most ample and vigorous preparations for carrying on the war. Britain made an attempt, through a Mr. Cumberland, to negotiate a separate treaty with Spain; but this has failed, though Mr. Cumberland is still at Madrid. Spain would not treat but in conjunction with France, and France cannot treat but in conjunction with America. Thus are we linked togeth-quarters equally good with those I was comer, so that the independence of America now stands on prosperous ground, and no further doubt need to remain about it: for this much is certain all the powers of Europe, (Britain excepted), wish us to be independent. Thus far in confidence, with this addition, that congress have appointed Dr. Franklin, J. Adams, J. Jay, H. Laurens and governor Jefferson, plenipotentiaries for settling the peace. They first agreed to appoint but one, and Adams was appointed before I came up; they then agreed AMERICAN AND FRENCH SOLDIERS. WILLIAMSBURG, Dec. 16, 1781. DEAR SIR-After the departure of gen. Washington, the French quartered themselves upon the people, of this and some other towns, a la mode militaire, and gave no small offence; but they are now dancing them into good humor again by a ball every week. I had myself a petit guerre with a French officer, by which I was turned out of my quarters, and, consequently, came off but second best. Being summoned before count Rochambeau to answer for my rebellious conduct, I received a long lecture on the subject of politeness to friends and allies, with intimations of his power to punish obstinacy. Although I was put into pelled to leave, I must confess, I did not perfectly understand the French politeness, in the mode of exchange. The old count, I believe, has either forgotten or forgiven me, as a day or two ago he gave me an invitation to dine with him. It must be mortifying to our poor devils to observe the comfortable and happy life of French soldiers. They appear on parade every day like fine gentlemen, as neat as their officers, and hardly to be distinguished from them. |