| ble war against America. In short, this is the last asylum of persecuted liberty.-Here, should the machinations and fury of her enemies prevail, that bright goddess must fly off from the face of the earth, and leave not a trace behind. These, sir, are my principles; this is my persuasion, and consequentially I am determined to act. I have now, sir, only to entreat that whatever measures you pursue, whether those which your real friends (myself amongst them) would wish, or unfortunately those which our accursed misrulers shall dictate, you will still believe me to be, personally, with the greatest sincerity and affection, Yours, &c. C. LEE. GENERAL BURGOYNE, in answer to GENE- glaringly false to deserve a serious refutation. | Had they been notoriously of another disposiI never could conceive upon what this tion, had they been homines ad servitudinem. notion was founded.—I served several cam-paratos, they might have made as free with the paigns in America the last war, and cannot property of the East-India company as the recollect a single instance of ill behavior in the felonious North himself with impunity. But provincials, where the regulars acquitted them- the lords of St. James', and their mercenaries selves well. Indeed we well remember some of St. Stephen's, will know that, as long as the instances of the reverse, particularly where the free spirit of this great continent remains unlate colonel Grant, (he who lately pledged subdued, the progress they can make in their himself for the general cowardice of America) scheme of universal despotism, will be but ran away with a large body of his own regi-trifling. Hence it is, that they wage inexpiament, and was saved from destruction by the valor of a few Virginians. Such preposterous arguments are only proper for the Rgibys and Sandwichs, from whose mouths never issued, and to whose breasts, truth and decency are utter strangers. You will much oblige me in communicating this letter to general Howe, to whom I could wish it should be considered in some measure addressed, as well as to yourself. Mr. Howe is a man for whom I have ever had the highest love and reverence. I have honored him for his own connections, but above all for his admirable talents and good qualities. I have courted his acquaintance and friendship, not only as a pleasure, but as an ornament; I flattered myself that I had obtained it.-Gracious God! is it possible that Mr. Howe should be prevailed upon to accept of such an office? That the brother of him, to whose memory the much injured people of Boston erected a monument, should be employed as one of the instruments of their destruction!-But the fashion of the times it seems is such, as renders it impossible that he should avoid it. The commands of our most gracious sovereign, are to cancel all moral obligations, to sanctify every action, even those that the satrap of an eastern despot would start at. I shall now beg leave to say a few words with respect to myself and the part I act. I was bred up from my infancy in the highest veneration for the liberties of mankind in general. What I have seen of courts and princes convince me, that power cannot be lodged in worse hands than in theirs; and of all courts I am persuaded that ours is the most corrupt and hostile to the rights of humanity. I am convinced that a regular plan has been laid (indeed every act, since the present accession, evinces it) to abolish even the shadow of liberty from amongst us. It was not the demolition of the tea, it was not any other particular act of the Bostonians, or of the other provinces which constituted their crimes. But it is the noble spirit of liberty manifestly pervading the whole continent, which has rendered them the objects of ministerial and royal vengeance. Dear Sir-When we were last together in service, I should not have thought it within the vicissitude of human affairs that we should meet at any time, or in any sense as foes; the letter you have honored me with, and my own feelings combine to prove we are still far from being personally such. I claim no merit from the attentions you so kindly remember, but as they manifest how much it was my pride to be known for your friend. Nor have I departed from the duties of that character, when I will not scruple to say, it has been almost general offence to maintain it: I mean since the violent part you have taken in the commotions of the colonies. It would exceed the limits and propriety of our present correspondence to argue at full, the great cause in which we are engaged. But anxious to preserve a consistent and ingenuous character, and jealous, I confess, of having the part I sustain imputed to such motives as you intimate, I will state to you as concisely as I can, the principles upon which, not voluntarily, but most conscientiously, I undertook it. I have, like you, entertained from my infancy a veneration for public liberty. I have likewise regarded the British constitution as the best safeguard of that blessing, to be found ir the history of mankind. The vital principle of the constitution, in which it moves and has its being, is the supremacy of the king in parliament; a compound, indefinite, indefeasible power, coeval with the origin of the empire, and coextensive over all its parts-I am no stranger to the doctrines of Mr. Locke and other of the best advocates for the rights of mankind, upon the compact always implied between the governing and governed, and the right of resistance in the latter, when the compact shall be so violated as to leave no other means of redress. I look with reverence, almost amounting to idolatry, upon those immortal whigs who adopted and applied such doctrine during part of the reign of Charles the Ist, and in that of James the IId.-Should corruption pervade the three estates of the realm, so as to pervert the great ends of their institution, and make the power, vested in them for the good of the whole people, operate like an abuse of the prerogative of the crown, to general oppression, I am ready to acknowledge, that the same doctrine of resistance applies as forcibly against the abuses of the collective body of power, as against those of the crown, or either of the component branches separately still always understood that no other means of redress can be obtained.-A case, I contend, much more difficult to suppose when it relates to the whole than when it relates to parts. But in all cases that have existed, or can be conceived, I hold that resistance, to be justifiable, must be directed against the usurpation or undue exercise of power, and that it is most criminal when directed against any power itself inherent in the constitution. And here you will discern immediately why I drew a line in the allusion I made above to the reign of Charles the first. Towards the close of it the true principle of resistance was changed, and a new system of government projected accordingly. The patriots, previous to the long parliament and during great part of it, as well as the glorious revolutionists of 1688, resisted to vindicate and restore the constitution; the republicans resisted to subvert it. Now, sir, lay your hand upon your heart, as you have enjoined me to do on mine, and tell me, to which of these purposes do the proceedings of America tend? Is it the weight of taxes imposed, and the impossibility of relief, after due representation of her burthens, that has induced her to take arms? Or is it a denial of the legislative right of Great Britain to impose them, and consequently a struggle for total independency?—For the idea of a power that can tax externally and not internally, and all the sophistry that attends it, though it may catch the weakness and prejudices of the multitude, in a speech or a pamphlet, is too preposterous to weigh seriously with a man of your understanding, and I am persuaded you will admit the question fairly put. It is then for a relief from taxes-or from the control of parliament, "in all cases whatsoever," that we are in war? If for the former the quarrel is at an end-There is not a man of sense and information in America, who does not see it is in the power of the colonies to obtain a relinquishment of the exercise of taxation immediately and forever.-I boldly assert it, because sense and information must also suggest to every man, that it can never be the interest of Britain to make a second trial. But if the other ground is taken, and it is intended to wrest from Great Britain, a link of that substantial, and I hope perpetual chain, by which the empire holds-think it not a ministerial mandate; think it not mere professional ardor; think it not prejudice against any part of our fellow subjects, that induces men of integrity, and among such you have done me the honor to class me, to act with vigor :-But be assured it is conviction that the whole of our political system depends upon preserving entire its great and essential parts, and none is so great and essential as the supremacy of legislation-It is conviction that as a king of England never appears in so glorious a capacity as when he employs the executive power of the state to maintain the laws, so in the present exertions of that power, his majesty is particularly entitled to our zeal and grateful obedience, not only as a soldiers but as citizens. These principles, depend upon it, actuate the army and fleet throughout. And let me, at the same time add, there are few, if any, gentlemen among us who would have drawn his sword in the cause of slavery. But, why do I confine myself to the fleet and army: I affirm the sentiments I here touched, to be those of the great bulk of the nation. I appeal even to those trading towns which are sufferers by the dispute, and the city of London at the head of them, notwithstanding the petitions and remonstrances that the arts of parties and factions have extorted from some individuals; and last, because least in your favor, I appeal to the majorities of the last year upon American questions in parliament. The most licentious news writer wants assurance to call these majorities ministerial; much less will you, when you impartially examine the characters of which they were in a great degree composed -men of the most independent principles and fortunes, and many of them professedly in op- | terview he so kindly proposed. But as he position in their general line of conduct. Among other supporters of British rights against American claims, I will not speak positively, but I firmly believe, I may name the men of whose integrity and judgment you have the highest opinion, and whose friendship is nearest your heart: I mean lord Thanet, from whom my aid de camp has a letter for you, with another from Sir C. Davers. I do not enclose them, because the writers, little imagining how difficult your conduct would render our intercourse, desired they might be delivered into your own hands. For this purpose, as well as to renew "the rights of our fellowship," I wish to see you; and above all I should think an interview happy if it induced such explanations as might tend in their consequences to peace. I feel, in common with all around me, for the unhappy deluded bulk of this country-they foresee not the distress that is impending. I know Great Britain is ready to open her arms upon the first reasonable overtures of accommodation; I know she is equally resolute to maintain her original rights: and I also know, that if the war proceeds, your hundred and fifty thousand men will be no match for her power. I put my honor to these assertions, as you have done to others, and I claim the credit I am willing to give. The place I would propose for our meeting is the house on Boston Neck, just within our advanced sentries, called Brown's house. I will obtain authority to give you my parole of honor for your secure return: I shall expect the same on your part, that no insult be offered to me. If the proposal is agreeable to you, name your day and hour-And, at all events, accept a sincere return of the assurances you honor me with, and believe me affectionately yours, J. BURGOYNE. P. S. I have been prevented by business answering your letter sooner.-I obeyed your commands in regard to general Howe and Clinton; and I likewise communicated to lord Percy the contents of your letter and my answer. They all join with me in compliments, and authorize me to assure you they do the same in principles. GENERAL LEE's answer to GENERAL BURGOYNE'S LETTER. CAMBRIDGE, HEADQUARTERS, July 11, 1775. General LEE's compliments to General BURGOYNE.-Would be extremely happy in the in perceives that General BURGOYNE has already made up his mind on this great subject; and that it is impossible that he [Gen. LEE] should ever alter his opinion, he is apprehensive that the interview might create those jealousies and suspicions, so natural to a people struggling in the dearest of all causes, that of their liberty, property, wives, children and their future generations. He must, therefore, defer the happiness of embracing a man whom he most sincerely loves until the subversions of the present tyrannical ministry and system, which he is persuaded must be in a few months, as he knows Great Britain cannot stand the contest. He begs General BURGOYNE will send the letters which his aid de camp has for him. If Gardiner is his aid de camp, he desires his love to him. PROCLAMATION OF GOV. THOMAS GAGE, OF MASS. JUNE 12, 1775. REVOLUTIONARY DOCUMENT. We have recently procured a copy of the instrument by which GAGE, in 1775, proclaimed a pardon to all Americans who should "lay down their arms and retnrn to their duty," with the exception of SAMUEL ADAMS and JOHN HANCOCK. We find by the introduction, that it was published by the Whigs, from the British original. It is in the hand-bill form, and we believe it has never before appeared in a newspaper.-Ed. Boston Patriot. CAMBRIDGE, June 14, 1775. The following is a copy of an infamous thing handed about here yesterday, and now reprinted to satisfy the curiosity of the public. As it is replete with consummate impudence, the most abominable lies, and stuffed with daring expressions of tyranny, as well as rebellion against the established constitutionl authority of the AMERICAN STATES, no one will hesitate in pronouncing it to be the genuine production of that perfidious, petty tyrant, THOMAS GAGE. BY HIS EXCELLENCY THE HON. THOMAS GAGE, ESQ Governor and commander in chief in and over his majesty's Province of MassachusettsBay, and vice-admiral of the same. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the infatuated multitudes, who have long suffered themselves to be conducted by certain well-known incendiaries and traitors, in a fatal progression of crimes, against the constitutional authority of the state, have at length proceeded to avowed rebellion; and the good effects which were expected to arise from the patience and lenity of the king's government, have been often frustrated, and are now rendered hopeless, by the influence of the same evil counsels; it only remains for those who are entrusted with supreme rule, as well for the punishment of the guilty, as the protection of the well affected, to prove they do not bear the sword in vain. The infringements which have been committed upon the most sacred rights of the crown and people of Great Britain, are too many to enumerate on one side, and are too atrocious to be palliated on the other. All unprejudiced people who have been witnesses of the late transactions, in this and neighboring provinces, will find, upon a transient review, marks of premeditation and conspiracy that would justify the fullness of chastisement: And even those who are least acquainted with facts, cannot fail to receive a just impression of their enormity, in proportion as they discover the arts and assiduity by which they have been falsified or concealed. The authors of the present unnatural revolt, never daring to trust their cause or their actions to the judgment of an impartial public, or even to the dispassionate reflection of their followers, have uniformly placed their chief confidence in the suppression of truth: And while indefatigable and shameless pains have been taken to obstruct every appeal to the real interest of the people of America, the grossest forgeries, calumnies and absurdities that ever insulted human understanding, have been imposed upon their credulity. The press, that distinguished appendage of public liberty, and when fairly and impartially employed, its best support, has been invariably prostituted to the most contrary purposes: the animated language of ancient and virtuous times, calculated to vindicate and promote the just rights and interests of mankind, have been applied to countenance the most abandoned violation of those sacred blessings; and not only from the flagitious prints, but from the popular harangues of the times, men have been taught to depend upon activity in treason for the security of their persons and properties; till, to complete the horrible profanation of terms and of ideas, the name of GOD has been introduced in the pulpits to excite and justify devastation and massacre. The minds of men having been thus gradually prepared for the worst extremities, a number of armed persons, to the amount of many thousands, assembled on the 19th of April last, and from behind walls and lurking holes, attacked a detachment of the king's troops who, not expecting so consummate an act of frenzy, unprepared for vengeance and willing to decline it, made use of their arms only in their own defence. Since that period the rebels, deriving confidence from impunity, have added insult to outrage; have repeatedly fired upon the king's ships and subjects, with cannon and small arms; have possessed the roads and other communications by which the town of Boston was supplied with provisions; and, with a preposterous parade of military arrangement, they affect to hold the army besieged; while part of their body make daily indiscriminate invasions upon private property, and, with a wantonness of cruelty ever incident to lawless tumult, carry depredation and distress wherever they turn their steps. The actions of the 19th of April are of such notoriety, as must baffle all attempts to contradict them, and the flames of buildings and other property, from the islands and adjacent country, for some weeks past, spread a melancholy confirmation of the subsequent assertions. In this exigency of complicated calamities, I avail myself of the last effort within the bounds of my duty to spare the effusion of blood; to offer, and I do hereby in his majesty's name, offer and promise his most gracious pardon, to all persons who shall forthwith lay down their arms, and return to the duties of peaceable subjects, excepting only from the benefit of such pardon, SAMUEL ADAMS and JOHN HANCOCK, whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punishment. And to the end that no person within the limits of this proffered mercy may plead ignorance of the consequences of refusing it, I by these presents proclaim, not only the persons above-named and excepted, but also all their adherents, associates and abettors, meaning to comprehend in those terms all and every person, and persons of what class, denomination or description soever, who have appeared in arms against the king's government, and shall not lay down the same as afore-mentioned; and likewise all such as shall so take arms after the date hereof, or who shall in anywise protect and conceal such offenders, or assist them with money, provision, cattle, arms, ammunition, carriages, or any other necessary for subsistence or offence; or shall hold secret correspondence with them by letter, message, signal, or otherwise, to be rebels and traitors, and as such to be treated. As the cause is the best that can engage men of courage and principle to take up arms, so it is expected that none but such will be accepted by the recruiting officer; the pay, provision, etc., being so ample, it is not doubted but the officers set upon this service, will without delay, complete their respective corps, and march the men forthwith to the camp. And whereas, during the continuance of the ministerial army, nor any stroller, negro, or present unnatural rebellion, justice cannot be vagabond, or person suspected of being an administered by the common law of the land, enemy to the liberty of America, nor any under the course whereof has, for a long time past, | eighteen years of age. been violently impeded, and wholly interrupted; from whence results a necessity for using and exercising the law martial; I have therefore thought fit, by the authority vested in me, by the royal charter to this province, to publish, and I do hereby publish, proclaim and order the use and exercise of the law martial, within and throughout the province, for so long time as the present unhappy occasion shall necessarily require; whereof all persons are hereby required to take notice, and govern themselves, as well to maintain order and regularity among the peaceable inhabitants of the province, as to resist, encounter and subdue the rebels and traitors above described by such as shall be called upon for those purposes. You are not to enlist any person who is not an American born, unless such person has a wife and family, and is a settled resident in this country. The person you enlist, must be provided with good and complete arms. Given at the head-quarters at Cambridge, this 10th day of July, 1775. HORATIO GATES, Adj. Gen. BY THE COUNCIL of Watertown, MASSA- To these inevitable, but I trust salutary measures, it is a far more pleasing part of my duty to add the assurances of protection and support, to all who, in so trying a crisis, shall manifest their allegiance to the king, and affection PROCLAMATION OF THANKSGIVING to the parent state. So that such persons as may have been intimidated to quit their habitations in the course of this alarm, may return to their respective callings and professions, and stand distinct and separate from the parricides of the constitution, till GOD, in his mercy, shall restore to his creatures, in this distracted land, that system of happiness from which they have been seduced, the religion of peace, and liberty founded upon law. GIVEN at Boston, this twelfth day of June, in the fifteenth year of the reign of his majesty GEORGE the third, by the grace of GOD, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, KING, defender of the Faith, etc. Annoque Domini, 1775. THOMAS GAGE. By his excellency's command: GOD SAVE THE KING. Although, in consequence of the unnatural, cruel, and barbarous measures, adopted and pursued by the British administration, great and distressing calamities are brought upon our distressed country, and in this colony in particular, we feel the dreadful effects of a civil war, by which America is stained by the blood of her valiant sons, who have bravely fallen in the laudable defence of our rights and privileges; our capital, once the seat of justice, opulence and virtue, is unjustly wrested from its proper owners, who are obliged to flee from the iron hand of tyranny, or held in the unrelenting arms of oppression; our seaports greatly distressed, and towns burnt by the foes who have acted the part of barbarous incendiaries. And, although the wise and Holy Governor of the world has, in his righteous Providence, sent droughts into this colony, and wasting sickness into many of our towns, yet we have the INSTRUCTION OF ADJUTANT GEN- greatest reason to adore and praise the Su ERAL HORATIO GATES FOR RECRUITING TROOPS, MASSACHUSETTS preme Disposer of events, who deals infinitely better with us than we deserve; and amidst all his judgments hath remembered mercy, by causing the voice of health again to be heard Instructions for the officers of the several amongst us; instead of famine, affording to an regiments of the Massachusetts Bay forces, ungrateful people a competency of the neceswho are immediately to go upon the recruiting saries and comforts of life; in remarkably preservice. serving and protecting our troops, when in apYou are not to enlist any deserter from the parent danger, while our enemies, with all their |