story of the wild grief and dauntless courage which Achilles displays as he throws himself on the lifeless body of Patroclus, or opposes the united vengeance of the gods, will perhaps own that the feeling of interest in the event itself then excited has long since changed into admiration of the poet who has so well depicted it; while the bitter remorse of Alexander, at the unfortunate slaughter of Clitus, his conflict almost single-handed within the walls of the Indian fortress, and the sigh with which he reluctantly yielded his plans of still farther triumphs to the sullen discontent of his soldiers, and again turned his footsteps to the west, are still impressed vividly on his mind as authentic and actual instances of affection, heroism, and ambition. The tear dropped for the sufferings of Antigone, Cordelia, and Clarissa, is rapidly dried up, and we are almost ashamed of the tribute we have paid to the power of an author, and not to suffering virtue itself; but the sorrows which arise from the real woes that life every day offers to our view, leave a deep and lasting impression on the heart, and sensibly affect, and even change the current of existence. Without entering however minutely into the discussion of a subject, which although interesting in itself is somewhat foreign to our present objects, these observations may lead the reader to reflect on the peculiar gratification that is derived from the study of works that delineate the actions and events of human life, especially such as have their foundation in truth, and such as are in all respects authentic.

When to this is added the circumstance, that those whose lives are recorded, are united to us by the ties of affection, blood, or common country, our interest is proportionably increased. We then look upon their glory and greatness as in some degree our own; we feel it a duty to point out their virtues B*

and defend their characters from assault, because there is as it were a reflected honour or an implied censure upon ourselves, arising from those virtues and imputations. They become to us moreover tests by which we are enabled to compare the actions and actors of our own times, and from such comparison to form a judgment on men and things, in some degree free from the various causes around, which would be apt to influence it. The great men of a nation are like great artists, philosophers, or poets. How much is there in the efforts of genius as they spring up daily before us, on which our opinions would be incorrectly formed, unless there were standards that have stood the test of time, to which we may refer them! If then in works of genius such are carefully preserved, if excellence is discovered or appreciated by a comparison with them, is not the task yet more noble to preserve the models of patriotism and virtue which have adorned our own country, to record even their minutest traits, and thus to hand down to posterity such unerring tests? Is not the pleasure much higher, to trace resemblances and to draw inferences where the noblest faculties of the human race are the objects of research and estimation? The practical weight of this argument has always been felt. The actions of a man are never more firmly fixed than when they are supported by the example of illustrious men who have preceded him. Demosthenes found no better argument to rouse his countrymen against the aggressions of Philip, than to call to his aid the lasting gratitude and glory that had been the lot of those, who sacrificed their lives at Marathon and Salamis.

But of all lessons which are thus given to us, those relative to political life are the most valuable. The example of a virtuous patriot who has taken a great share in public

affairs, who has passed through an arduous life with the acquisition of fame, and without the loss of reputation, is an object which those who regard the welfare of their fellowbeings, should never permit to sink into oblivion or obscurity. It would be perhaps no very difficult matter to prove that the course of political life which is dictated by disinterestedness, zeal, integrity, and openness, will be the most successful both in serving the ends of the individual, and promoting the prosperity of a state; yet such a proposition finds few believers, and still fewer who are disposed to act upon it. The mystery and the intrigue which formerly attended most pursuits, still shrouds the system of a politician, and he confers a valuable service who lifts the veil by the hand of actual experience. Is there any one who believes that the happiness of a nation was less increased, the very ends of policy less obtained, by the open and honourable course which marked the public life of Washington, than by schemes deeply laid and craftily developed, after the rules of Machiavelli or Walpole? Yet it is only example, it is only a direct absolute knowledge of the fact, which would enable us to adopt such a belief, or which could overthrow the sophistry that has been thrown around public actions, and so often choked and repressed the seeds of patriotism, and manly, honourable policy.

It is to the credit of America, that the system pursued for the most part by her statesmen has been founded on such a policy; and this she owes in no small degree to the character and conduct of the great men who came into the conduct of public affairs, when she first took her station as an independent power among the nations of the world. They had no politics to guide them, but such as they had learned by the reflections of their own minds, when turned to the consi

and defend their characters from assault, because there is as it were a reflected honour or an implied censure upon ourselves, arising from those virtues and imputations. They become to us moreover tests by which we are enabled to compare the actions and actors of our own times, and from such comparison to form a judgment on men and things, in some degree free from the various causes around, which would be apt to influence it. The great men of a nation are like great artists, philosophers, or poets. How much is there in the efforts of genius as they spring up daily before us, on which our opinions would be incorrectly formed, unless there were standards that have stood the test of time, to which we may refer them! If then in works of genius such are carefully preserved, if excellence is discovered or appreciated by a comparison with them, is not the task yet more noble to preserve the models of patriotism and virtue which have adorned our own country, to record even their minutest traits, and thus to hand down to posterity such unerring tests? Is not the pleasure much higher, to trace resemblances and to draw inferences where the noblest faculties of the human race are the objects of research and estimation? The practical weight of this argument has always been felt. The actions of a man are never more firmly fixed than when they are supported by the example of illustrious men who have preceded him. Demosthenes found no better argument to rouse his countrymen against the aggressions of Philip, than to call to his aid the lasting gratitude and glory that had been the lot of those, who sacrificed their lives at Marathon and Salamis.

But of all lessons which are thus given to us, those relative to political life are the most valuable. The example of a virtuous patriot who has taken a great share in public

affairs, who has passed through an arduous life with the acquisition of fame, and without the loss of reputation, is an object which those who regard the welfare of their fellowbeings, should never permit to sink into oblivion or obscurity. It would be perhaps no very difficult matter to prove that the course of political life which is dictated by disinterestedness, zeal, integrity, and openness, will be the most successful both in serving the ends of the individual, and promoting the prosperity of a state; yet such a proposition finds few believers, and still fewer who are disposed to act upon it. The mystery and the intrigue which formerly attended most pursuits, still shrouds the system of a politician, and he confers a valuable service who lifts the veil by the hand of actual experience. Is there any one who believes that the happiness of a nation was less increased, the very ends of policy less obtained, by the open and honourable course which marked the public life of Washington, than by schemes deeply laid and craftily developed, after the rules of Machiavelli or Walpole? Yet it is only example, it is only a direct absolute knowledge of the fact, which would enable us to adopt such a belief, or which could overthrow the sophistry that has been thrown around public actions, and so often choked and repressed the seeds of patriotism, and manly, honourable policy.

It is to the credit of America, that the system pursued for the most part by her statesmen has been founded on such a policy; and this she owes in no small degree to the character and conduct of the great men who came into the conduct of public affairs, when she first took her station as an independent power among the nations of the world. They had no politics to guide them, but such as they had learned by the reflections of their own minds, when turned to the consi