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of the province, and the transfer of that fortress to the custody of the king's forces. This was an evil that admitted of no present remedy, but it stimulated to more active preparations for resistance, and mainly induced the appointment of a committee, of which Mr. Adams was a member, to correspond with the agents in England, with the speakers of assemblies in other colonies, and with committees chosen for a similar purpose.

In the following year, 1771, Mr. Hutchinson received the appointment of governor of Massachusetts, and made some efforts towards conciliation; the duke of Grafton had resigned, and lord North had rescinded all the obnoxious duties except that on tea. A comparative calm ensued for a short season, and the letters from Franklin and other Americans in England, held out encouragement to hope for the removal of all causes of complaint. The same obstinate dispute as to the place of holding the sessions of the assembly continued, and little public business was transacted in consequence. But in 1772, the governor gave up this point, and ordered the long desired return to the town house at Boston. But he failed to gain any popularity by this measure, after showing so unaccommodating a temper, and a subserviency so entire to the British administration.

He had accepted a provision for the payment of his salary by the crown, instead of the province, and nothing could have given greater offence. There was also a project, afterwards executed, of providing in the same way for the salaries of the judges; and upon these two grievances a large town meeting was held, carly in 1772, at Boston, and very spirited resolutions adopted.

This ministerial regulation for paying the salaries of the judges, which rendered them wholly dependent on the crown, was the occasion of a discussion in the public papers, between

William Brattle, senior member of the council, on the one side, and Mr. John Adams on the other; written, on the part of Mr. Adams, according to the history of the period, "with great learning and ability;" and had a happy effect in enlightening the public mind on a question of very great impor

tance.

When the general court met in January, 1773, the new governor made an elaborate speech to them in support of the supremacy of parliament, and threw out, as the two houses thought, a challenge to answer him. This they did forthwith, but he replied in the same strain, and put forth so ingenious an argument, that their committee thought it necessary to invoke the aid of Mr. John Adams, who was not then a member, in preparing a rejoinder. A very eloquent and argumentative disquisition was immediately drawn up by him for their use, which they adopted at once without alteration; and so powerful was it considered by Dr. Franklin, as an exposition of the claims and wrongs of the colonies, that he caused it to be republished in England, and distributed there.

Very shortly after this circumstance he was elected a member of the assembly, and being placed by their vote on the list of councillors, the governor erased his name, by a vindictive exercise of a right incident to his office, but never exercised unless as an expression of strong dislike and hostility.

The year 1773 was signalized by the destruction of the tea, which in pursuance of a very insidious plan, had been brought to Boston; the first overt act of rebellion, except the associations previously entered into, and kept with remarkable fidelity, against importing the articles made subject to the obnoxious duties; which were looked upon as little short of treason, by the officers of government.

Early in 1774, governor Hutchinson, who had fallen into such general odium as to be very uncomfortably situated, resigned his office and departed for England. And at the same time his successor, and the intelligence of the act of parliament closing the port of Boston, were received, the one with outward civility but universal distrust, the other with unbounded indignation and alarm.

The inhabitants of Boston were called together, to consider this new and unexampled aggression. It was there voted to make application to the other colonies to refuse all importations from Great Britain, and withhold all commercial intercourse, as the most probable and effectual mode to procure the repeal of this oppressive law. One of the citizens was despatched to New-York and Philadelphia, for the purpose of ascertaining the views of the people at those places, and in the colonies farther south. A committee, comprising Samuel Adams, Dr. Warren, afterwards general Warren, the hero and martyr of Bunker's hill, with John Adams and others of the same high character, was appointed to consider what further measures ought to be adopted.

Mr. Adams being again a member of assembly was put on the list for the council, but governor Gage knew his character well from the report of his past conduct, and erased his name, as Hutchinson had done before.

The governor obliged the general court to meet at Salem, instead of Boston, where they proceeded after a very civil address to him, to ask for a day of general fast and prayer. This his excellency refused, so difficult was it for the legislative and executive authorities of this province to agree upon measures that seemed even the least likely to be offensive. But although he would not let them pray he could not prevent them from adopting a most important measure, namely that of choosing five delegates to a general and continental con

gress; and of giving immediate information thereof to all the other colonies, with a request, that they would appoint deputies for the same purpose. A measure of this kind had been already suggested both in Massachusetts and in several of the other colonies; but nothing definite or decisive had been done; nor had any committees or deputies been elected with this design. The patriots in this province were convinced, that the time had arrived for a more efficient and united stand, in defence of their rights. They did not even now, meditate an independency of Great Britain; much less did they generally suppose, that a resort to arms would be necessary to maintain their liberties. Yet they were resolved to show the British ministry, that a determination prevailed through all the colonies, to oppose their arbitrary and oppressive plans of governing America; hoping, no doubt, for a new administration whose views would be more conciliating and just. The preamble to the resolutions for choosing delegates to meet in a general congress states, concisely, the reasons which induced the house to adopt this important measure. It is as follows: "This house, having duly considered, and being deeply affected with, the unhappy differences which have long subsisted, and are increasing, between Great Britain and the American colonies, are of opinion, that a meeting of committees from the several colonies on this continent is highly expedient and necessary, to consult upon the present state of the country, and the miseries to which we are and must be reduced by the operation of certain acts of parliament; and to deliberate and determine upon wise and proper measures, to be by them recommended to all the colonies, for the recovery and establishment of our just rights and liberties, civil and religious; and the restoration of union and harmony between Great Britain and America, which is most ardently desired by all good men."

It was during the consideration of these resolutions, that Samuel Adams displayed that firmness of manner, and adopted the bold measures to prevent the interference of the governor, which have been detailed in the preceding sketch. On all points he was nobly supported, by the influence, eloquence and energy of his namesake, who received with him the fair reward of his fearless patriotism in being also elected one of the delegates to the congress.

It was a noble trust, and one of awful responsibility; so much so, that Mr. Sewall, an old and respectable friend of Mr. Adams, to whose advice he had been accustomed to listen with great deference, was alarmed on his account, and seeking an interview, endeavoured to persuade him to relinquish the appointment. Great Britain, he represented, was evidently determined to enforce her system; her power was irresistible, and would bring destruction on him and all who should persevere in opposition to her designs. Mr. Adams's reply was, that he was well convinced of such a determination on the part of the British government, and that his course was fixed by that very belief, that he had been uniform and constant in opposition; as to his fate the die was cast, the Rubicon was passed-and sink or swim, live or die, to survive or perish with his country was his unalterable resolution.

This was not idle vapouring, nor vain pretension to a magnanimity that he did not possess; it was but a confession of the principles that carried him through perils and labours, and discouragements, from the commencement to the close of the revolutionary contest.

He had now to act on quite a different stage; hitherto he had been among friends and neighbours, whose sentiments wére familiarly known to him, and whose firmness he could estimate justly. But in meeting with delegates from other

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