and by interested judges too, more power might be assumed by the government than the people ever intended they should possess. Few men are contented with less power than they have a right to exercise: the ambition of the human heart grasps at more; this is evinced by the experience of all ages."

"I wish to know from you the state of federal affairs as often as your leisure may admit. We organize our state governments, and I heartily wish that their authority and dignity may be preserved within their several jurisdictions, as far as may be consistent with the purposes for which the federal government is designed. They are, in my opinion, petty politicians, who would wish to lessen the due weight of the state governments; for I think the federal must depend upon the influence of these to carry their laws into effect; and while those laws have for their sole object, the promoting the purposes of the federal union, there is reason to expect they will have the due support of the state authorities."

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"I was particularly afraid, that unless great care should be taken to prevent it, the constitution in the administration of it, would gradually, but swiftly and imperceptibly run into a consolidated government, pervading and legislating through all the states, not for federal purposes only, as it professes, but in all cases whatsoever; such a government would soon totally annihilate the sovereignty of the several states, so necessary to the support of the confederated commonwealth, and sink both in despotism. I know these have been called vulgar opinions, and prejudices; be it so-I think it is lord Shaftesbury, who tells us, that it is folly to despise the opinions of the vulgar; this aphorism, if indeed it is his, I eagerly caught from a nobleman, many years ago, whose writings, on some accounts, I never much admired. Should a strong

federalist, as some call themselves, see what has now dropped from my pen, he would say that I am an anti-fed, an amendment monger, &c.; those are truly vulgar terms, invented and used by some, whose feelings would be sorely wounded to be ranked among such kind of men, and invented and used for the mean purpose of deceiving and entrapping others, whom they call the vulgar; but in this "enlightened" age, one should think there was no such vulgar, to be thus amused and ensnared. I mean, my friend, to let you know, how deeply I am impressed with a sense of the importance of amendments; that the good people may clearly see the distinction, for there is a distinction, between the federal powers vested in congress, and the sovereign authority belonging to the several states, which is the palladium of the private and personal rights of the citizens."

But Mr. Adams was destined to receive still further proofs of the attachment of his fellow citizens, by being successively raised to the highest honours they could bestow, as lieutenant governor, and governor of the state. In these high offices he preserved and displayed the same manly and firm principles, which he had always expressed; and he especially called to the attention of the people, the careful preservation of those mutual rights which they had yielded and retained at the formation of the federal government. "I shall presently be called upon," he observes, in one of his inaugural addresses, "as it is enjoined by the constitution, to make a declaration upon oath, and I shall do it with cheerfulness, because the injunction accords with my own judgment and conscience, that the commonwealth of Massachusetts,, is and of right to be a free, sovereign, and independent state.' I shall also be called upon, to make another declaration with the same solemnity, 'to support the constitution of the United States.' I see the consistency of this, for it cannot but have been in

tended that these constitutions should mutually aid and support each other. It is my humble opinion, that, while the commonwealth of Massachusetts maintains her own just authority, weight, and dignity, she will be among the firmest pillars of the federal union. May the administration of the federal government, and those of the several states of the union, be guided by the unerring finger of heaven! Each of them, and all of them, united will then, if the people are wise, be as prosperous as the wisdom of human institutions, and the circumstances of human society will admit."

The limits of this sketch will not permit us to enter into a detail of the public measures of Mr. Adams, while he presided over the government of Massachusetts, nor to lay before the reader, those of his public writings which would throw light on his peculiar sentiments, as well as on the general history of the country. This is a subject which could not be entered upon, with justice to him, unless much was introduced, which is foreign to the objects of a work, like the present, and must be reserved for that more extended view of the life and actions of this great man, which is demanded of that country, to which he was so illustrious a benefactor. He continued, indeed, to serve her with undiminished zeal, and it was not until age and bodily infirmities rendered him unfit for service, that he retired to a private life. This retirement, however, he did not long enjoy, but within a few years passed quietly to his grave. He expired on the third of October, 1803, in the eighty-second year of his age.

Of the peculiar character and dispositions of Mr. Adams, the reader will have formed a tolerably correct opinion from what has been recorded in the preceding pages; and it only remains for us briefly to sum up that of which he has already a general idea. In person he was of the middle size, with a countenance full of expression, and showing the remarkable

firmness of his character; in manners and deportment, he was sincere and unaffected; in conversation, pleasing and instructive; and in friendship, steadfast and affectionate. As a writer, he was indefatigable when he thought his literary efforts could tend to promote his liberal and patriotic views; and although most of his productions have suffered that oblivion, to which the best efforts of temporary politics are generally destined, those which remain, or of which a knowledge is yet preserved, give abundant proof of the strength and fervour of his diction, the soundness of his politics, the warmth of his heart, and the piety and sincerity of his devotion. As an orator, he was peculiarly fitted for the times and circumstances on which he had fallen. His language was pure, concise and impressive; he was more logical than figurative; and his arguments were addressed rather to the understanding than the feelings: yet these he could often deeply interest, when the importance and dignity of his subject led him to give free vent to the enthusiasm and patriotic ardour, of which his heart was always full; and if we are to judge by the fairest of all tests, the effect upon his hearers, few speakers of ancient or modern times, could be named as superior to him. As a statesman, the great trait in the character of Mr. Adams, was the unyielding firmness with which he pursued the course which his judgment had determined to be the correct one. He possessed an energy of will, that never faltered in the purpose of counteracting the arbitrary plans of the English cabinet, and which gradually engaged him to strive for the independence of the country. Every part of his character conduced to this determination. His private habits, which were simple, frugal, and unostentatious, led him to despise the luxury and parade affected by the crown officers; his religious tenets, which made him loathe the very name of the English church, preserved in VOL. I.-H

his mind the memory of ancient persecutions, as vividly as if they had happened yesterday, and as anxiously as if they might be repeated to-morrow; his detestation of royalty, and privileged classes, which no man could have felt more deeply all these circumstances stimulated him to persevere in a course, which he conscientiously believed it to be his duty to pursue, for the welfare of his country. The motives by which he was actuated, were not a sudden ebullition of temper, nor a transient impulse of resentment; but they were deliberate, methodical and unyielding. There was no pause, no despondency; every day and every hour were employed in some contribution towards the main design; if not in action, in writing; if not with the pen, in conversation; if not in talking, in meditation. The means he advised were persuasion, petition, remonstrance, resolutions; and, when all failed, defiance and extermination, sooner than submission. His measures for redress were all legitimate; and where the extremity of the case, as in the destruction of the tea, absolutely required an irregularity, a vigour beyond the law, he was desirous it might be redeemed by the discipline, good order, and scrupulous integrity, with which it should be effected.

The very faults of his character tended, in some degree, to render his services more useful, by converging his exertions to one point, and preventing their being weakened by indulgence or liberality towards different opinions. There was some tinge of bigotry and narrowness both in his religion and politics. He was a strict calvinist; and probably, no individual of his day had so much of the feelings of the ancient puritans, as he possessed. In politics, he was so jealous of delegated power, that he would not have given our constitutions inherent force enough for their own preservation. He attached an exclusive value to the habits and principles