menced business. He had not been long in trade when he lent one of his countrymen a large sum of money. This person, soon after, met with heavy calamities, which he represented to Mr. Adams, who never demanded the amount, although it was nearly half the value of his original stock. This and other losses soon consumed all he had.

At the age of twenty-five, his father died, and as he was the eldest son, the care of the family and management of the estate devolved upon him.

Notwithstanding this circumstance, however, he still was unable to resist the strong inclination for political affairs, which he had felt from his earliest youth; and instead of devoting himself to his business, occupied much of his time both in conversation and writing, on the political concerns of the day. He was strongly opposed to governor Shirley, because he thought the union of so much civil and military power in one man, dangerous to the liberties of the province, but he was the friend of his successor Pownall, who assumed the popular side.

In 1763, the Massachusetts agent in London transmitted intelligence, that it was contemplated by the ministry, to "tax the colonies for the purpose of raising a revenue, which was to be placed at the disposal of the crown." This was soon made publicly known, and produced great excitement. It was expected, that governor Bernard would immediately call the Massachusetts house of assembly together, on the reception of this interesting intelligence, and that such instructions would be sent to the agent, as might have a tendency to prevent the contemplated proceedings; but, to the surprise of the public, it was not summoned till the latter end of the year, and no particular notice was taken of the subject. It thus remained till the next election of members to the Massachusetts assembly, in May, 1764. It

was then customary for the people to give written instructions, when they elected 'their representatives, in which they expressed their views and opinions of public affairs; and for this purpose committees were chosen. On this occasion, Mr. Adams was one of the five, who were selected by the people of Boston. The instructions were written by him, and the manuscript in his own hand-writing is still preserved. His draught was reported, accepted by the town, and at that time published in the Boston Gazette; and, what is the most material fact, it was the first public document which denied the supremacy of the British parliament, and their right to tax the colonists without their own consent; and which contained direct suggestion of the necessity of a united effort on the part of all the provinces.

After alluding to the evils already produced, by the laws which had actually passed, Mr. Adams adds, on behalf of the citizens of Boston, "but our greatest apprehension is, that these proceedings may be preparatory to new taxes for, if our trade may be taxed, why not our lands? Why not the produce of our lands, and every thing we possess or use? This, we conceive, annihilates our charter-rights to govern and tax ourselves. It strikes at our British privileges; which, as we have never forfeited, we hold in common with our fellow subjects, who are natives of Britain. If taxes are laid upon us, in any shape, without our having a legal representation where they are laid, we are reduced from the character of free subjects to the state of tributary slaves. We, therefore, earnestly recommend it to you to use your utmost endeavours to obtain, from the general court, all necessary advice and instruction, to our agent, at this most critical juncture. **** We also desire you to use your endeavours that the other colonies, having the same interests and rights with us, may add their weight to that of this pro

5

vince; that by united application of all who are aggrieved, all may obtain redress."

In the year 1764, there was a private political club in Boston, in which decisive measures were originated, that gave a secret spring and impulse to the motions of the public body. Mr. Adams was one of the patriotic conclave. It was the determination of this little body to exercise all their influence in resisting every infringement of the rights of the colonies, and the stamp act was so flagrant a violation of them, that to suffer it quietly to be carried into effect, would establish a precedent, and encourage further proceedings of a similar nature. Mr. Adams was not averse to the manner in which the people evinced their determinate opposition, by destroying the stamped papers and office in Boston; but he highly disapproved the riots and disorders which followed, and personally aided the civil power to put a stop to them.

Indeed, even at this early period, so entirely had he become a public man, and discovered such a zealous, watchful and unyielding regard for popular rights, that he excited the general attention of the patriotic party. He became a conspicuous [favourite of the people, and the leader in all the popular proceedings of the day; and as a further proof of their confidence, he was elected, in the year 1765, a representative of the town of Boston, in the general court or house of assembly of Massachusetts. From that period, throughout the whole revolutionary struggle, he was one of the most unwearied, efficient and disinterested supporters of American rights and independence.

Nor was it in his legislative capacity alone that he showed himself to be so. He wrote a number of able essays on the subject of the disputes between Great Britain and her colonies, and he suggested several plans for more effectually opposing her arbitrary designs. To him is the nation in

debted for the idea of assembling the first congress at New York, which led, ten years after, to the continental congress, and finally to the union and confederation of the provinces. And to him also is to be attributed the design of the non-importation system, which he persuaded nearly all the merchants in the colony to adopt and adhere to.

As a delegate he became conspicuous very soon after his admission into the house, and as it was then the practice to choose the clerk from among the members, he was early honoured with the election to that office. He obtained the same kind of influence, and exercised the same indefatigable activity in the affairs of the legislature, that he did in those of his town. He was upon every committee, had a hand in writing or revising every report, a share in the management of every political meeting, private or public, and a voice in all the measures that were proposed, to counteract the tyrannical plans of the administration. The people soon found him to be one of the steadiest of their supporters, and the government was convinced that he was one of the most inveterate of their opponents.

When his character was known in England, and it was also understood that he was poor, the partisans of the ministry, who felt annoyed by the "disturbances in America,” resorted to the usual practice when the clamorous grow too troublesome, and proposed that he should be quieted by a participation in some of the good things they were enjoying. Governor Hutchinson, in answering the inquiry of a friend, why he was not silenced in this manner, wrote with an expression of impatient vexation-"Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition of the man, that he never can be conciliated by any office or gift whatever." This information was received with a ludicrous kind of incredulity, arising naturally enough from the comparison of such a dispo

sition, with those that personal and daily experience presented in the politicians around them.

It is reported, however, and generally believed, that the proposal was actually made to Mr. Adams; that it was made after the dissolution of the general assembly of 1769, soon after its first session; and that, in consequence of this last circumstance, he was deprived of a stipend allowed to him by the representatives, as the clerk of the house, which, though small, was still a great part of his support. But yet, in this critical condition, he reprobated the offer, choosing rather to subsist by individual, or common beneficence, or even perish, than sacrifice the cause of truth, and betray the liberty of the people. Such a circumstance as this should have caused the administration to examine more accurately into the actual condition of the colonies. When so many leading individuals in this country were not to be conciliated by the favours of government, when, contrary to the natural temper of mankind, they spurned at places and pensions, and withstood the allurements of fortune and power; it was an indication too strong to be neglected, of some deep and powerful cause for the dissatisfaction that prevailed. It is a portentous symptom in affairs, when men of strong character forego the common views of ambition, and disregard the acquisition of wealth, which in ordinary times is as salutary to society in its general tendency, as it is advantageous to the individual. When this state of things first occurred in the colonies, it should have received, on the part of England, the most cautious treatment, and prompt alleviation: the existence of such enthusiasm is replete with danger to the ruling power, and wherever it is not effectually relieved, will bring about, as it did in America, the crisis of a revolution.

VOL. I.-E