he had done in busier times. He served on a committee for expediting the settlement of public accounts; for adjusting the claims of Virginia against the United States; for remedying the irregular representation of the states in congress; and many others of much dignity and honour. Before he left this theatre of his reputation, he had also the satisfaction to find that one measure to which he had at a former period devoted much of his attention, and which he still had very seriously at heart, had attracted the favourable notice of those whom he represented, although he had not been able to prevail on congress itself to coincide in his views. It may be recollected that five years before, he had offered a resolution whose object was to prevent the appointment of members of congress to any office under the states, from which they were to receive emoluments. He had since urged it on the house, but had been twice defeated. Since then his hopes of its passage had laid dormant, until his own state, convinced of the propriety of the measure, determined to sanction the views of her delegate by her approbation, and to aid them by her influence. She accordingly took up the subject with spirit, and addressed a series of instructions on the subject to her representatives, so full of excellent policy, and arising from and bearing so directly upon the views of Mr. Gerry, that it seems both useful and proper to insert them. "The United States," they observe, having formed by the wisdom of their councils, and established by their exertions, a federal union, which is no less necessary to the freedom of each, than important to the independence of all the states, every measure ought to be adopted and vigorously executed, which can have a tendency to perpetuate an institution that reflects so much honour upon human nature, and so strongly points the world to the true political felicity of mankind. But whatever marks of wisdom and perfection appear upon

the face of this system, it cannot be expected that provision is made against every species of corruption, which ambition and avarice may attempt to introduce for the subversion of it; and therefore in the early age of our national existence, the United States in congress assembled, will doubtless form such resolutions and establish such principles, as will have a tendency to prevent designing men, in future ages, from sapping the foundation of our federal union. The world cannot but admire that prudence and wisdom, which by providing for a rotation of members in congress, fixed one important barrier against corruption; but the legislature of this commonwealth observe with concern and regret, that no provision is made to prevent the members of congress from appointing themselves to offices; and it requires no very great share of sagacity to foresee, that unless this point is more effectually guarded, the offices of the federal government may hereafter be filled with men who will not be most capable of serving the people, or the most remarkable for their integrity, and that some persons, forsaking the true interests of their country, will take corrupt measures to become members of congress, with a view to possess themselves of lucrative employments, whereby offices in themselves unnecessary may be created and multiplied, and the injured fabric of our federal government be overthrown, by the same means that have been employed in prostrating those ancient republics, which are seen no more but in the pages of history. The legislature of this commonwealth therefore instruct you to endeavour to procure a resolution of congress, enacting that no member of congress shall be appointed to any office under the states, during the term for which he shall have been elected."

Thus closed, in September, 1785, the political career of Mr. Gerry in the old revolutionary congress. In it he had

served through seasons of various difficulty and suffering, maintaining in them all the same character, with which he had entered on political life-that of an active and resolute statesman. Among men who are now regarded as something above the race of ordinary politicians, he took an equal stand at the first, and preserved it at the last. He retired with the esteem and affection of those with whom he had served and by whom he had been chosen; and fatigued with the long series of unceasing exertion, he sought in the calmer occupations of rural leisure, that repose which for many years had been unknown to him. He fixed his residence at Cambridge, a village a few miles from Boston.

To a man, however, of active disposition, the quiet of retirement soon loses much of its delight, unless age or illness has quenched its fires. For awhile indeed he feels happy in the change, but the human mind seeks for ever something to engage or excite it, and it is in vain that we strive, while its powers are yet mature, to repress its energies. When, therefore, his country again demanded his services, Mr. Gerry was not found deaf to her call. For some time past he looked upon her situation with anxiety and interest. With the war had terminated many of those strong ties which of 'necessity united the states together. The distresses spread over the whole country by so sudden a revolution; the jealousies raised or increased by a thousand circumstances of interest or feeling; the poverty which in the course of a long war had been diffused through the ration; the seizure and destruction of property, the annihilation of commerce, and the entire want of national credit; all tended to impress on the public mind a general dissatisfaction with the existing government. From this apparent failure in their expectations of an immediate increase of political happiness, the lovers VOL. I.-G g

of liberty and independence began to be less sanguine in their hopes from the American revolution, and to fear that they had built a visionary fabric of government, on the fallacious ideas of public virtue; but that elasticity of the human mind which is nurtured by free institutions kept them from desponding. By an exertion of those inherent principles of self-preservation, which republics possess, a recurrence was had to the good sense of the people, for the rectification of fundamental disorders. While the country, free from foreign force and domestic violence, enjoyed tranquillity, a proposition was made by Virginia to all the other states, to meet in convention for the purpose of digesting a form of government, equal to the exigencies of the Union. The first motion for this purpose was made by Mr. Madison: but the other states, convinced of the utility of the measure, gradually concurred in it; and it was at length agreed that a convention of delegates, to be appointed by the several states, should be held in the month of May, 1787, at Philadelphia, for the sole and express purpose of revising the articles of confederation, and reporting to congress, and the several legislatures, such alterations and provisions therein, as should, when agreed to in congress, and confirmed by the states, render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of government, and the preservation of the Union.

To this convention Mr. Gerry was appointed, as a representative of Massachusetts. Impressed with the necessity of a more energetic system than the old confederation, and governed by the republican principles in which he had been educated, he endeavoured to guard the new government from extremes which he considered equally dangerous. The propositions for introducing a system, designated by some of its opponents as aristocratical and even monarchical, but which it scarcely seems proper to consider in so strong a

light, found in him a strenuous opponent; and it is probable that the sternness of his republicanism contributed to the securing of many of the best features which the constitution contains. Still, however, after all the alterations which he and the friends who coincided in his views were able to obtain, there appeared to him features so objectionable and so dangerous to the rights of his constituents, that he manfully declined affixing his signature to the instrument. Lest, however, his views in so doing should be misrepresented, or not fully understood, he took an immediate opportunity to address a letter to his constituents on the subject. "It was painful for me," he observes, "on a subject of such national importance, to differ from the respectable members who signed the constitution. But, conceiving as I did, that the liberties of America were not secured by the system, it was my duty to oppose it.

"My principal objections to the plan are, that there is no adequate provision for a representation of the people; that they have no security for the right of election; that some of the powers of the legislature are ambiguous, and others indefinite and dangerous; that the executive is blended with, and will have an undue influence over the legislature; that the judicial department will be oppressive; that treaties of the highest importance may be formed by the president, with the advice of two-thirds of a quorum of the senate; and that the system is without the security of a bill of rights. These are objections which are not local, but apply equally to all the

states.

"As the convention was called for the sole and express purpose of revising the articles of confederation, and reporting to congress and to the several legislatures, such alterations and provisions as shall render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of government, and the preservation