when we consider how much has been learned on those subjects since the time of its production it appears very remarkable that he should have been able so soon to delineate all the leading features of government as they have been adopted successively, in most of the state constitutions.

The occasion that gave existence to this "slight sketch," as he chose to call it, and which he thought worth preserving only as being the first printed essay towards a frame of civil government, on republican principles, in this country, has been described by Mr. Adams in the following manner.

"In the winter of 1776," he said, "there was much discussion in congress concerning the necessity of independence, and advising the several states to institute governments for themselves under the immediate authority and original power of the people. Great difficulties occurred to many gentlemen, in making a transition from the old governments to the new, i. e. from the royal to republican governments. In January, 1776, Mr. George Wythe, of Virginia, passing an evening with me, asked what plan I would advise a colony to pursue, in order to get out of the old government and into a new one. I sketched in words a scheme, which he requested me to give him in writing. Accordingly, the next day I delivered him the following letter. He lent it to his colleague, Richard Henry Lee, who asked me to let him print it; to which I consented provided he would suppress my name; for if that should appear, it would excite a continental clamour among the tories, that I was erecting a battering ram to demolish the royal government, and render independence indispensable."

Doubtless a paper thus put together, on the spur of the occasion, struck off at a heat, with no elaborate correction, could not be perfectly prepared against captious criticism; but it serves on that account the more effectually to show the

unforced train of thought and real bias of political principles that were peculiar to his mind.*

Just at the time of the declaration of independence, lord Howe arrived with a large British and Hessian army at Long Island; and in a few weeks afterwards the disastrous battle of Flatbush occurred. Supposing this to be a favourable moment for proposing an accommodation, the British general opened a negotiation with congress and requested an interview with some of the members.

This proposition was debated for several days. Mr. Adams opposed it as not likely to produce any good result, but was overruled, and a committee was appointed consisting of himself, Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Rutledge, to visit the British camp. Lord Howe sent as a hostage, one of his principal officers, but the three commissioners, to show their confidence in themselves and their cause, waved the security to be derived from such a pledge, and took him with them. They repaired to the British head quarters on Staten Island, opposite Amboy, and were conducted to the commander through an army of twenty thousand men, arranged on purpose to make the most imposing show, so as to impress the minds of the commissioners with a notion of the immense power of the nation with which they were waging war. They were, however, too well aware of the design with which this display was made, to indulge their enemies by showing any sign of amazement or uneasiness.

Lord Howe received them with great courtesy; and after compliments of civility, he told them that though he could not treat with them as a committee of congress, yet, as his powers enabled him to confer and consult with any private gentleman of influence in the colonies on the means of restor

See the Appendix, where it is inserted at large.

ing peace, he was glad of this opportunity of conferring with them on this subject, if they thought themselves at liberty to confer with him in that character. The committee observed that as they came to hear, he might consider them in what light he pleased, and communicate any propositions he might be authorized to make, but that they could consider themselves in no other character except that in which they were placed by order of congress. "You may view me in any light you please," said Mr. Adams, "except in that of a British subject."

Lord Howe then entered into a discourse of considerable length, in which the commissioners could perceive no explicit proposition, except one, namely, that the colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to the government of Great Britain.

The committee gave it as their opinion that a return to the domination of Great Britain was not now to be expected, and added their reasons, at large; on which lord Howe put an end to the conference; and this fruitless negotiation resulted as unprofitably as Mr. Adams had predicted it would, when he opposed the appointment of a committee. Throughout the remainder of the year 1776, and all 1777, Mr. Adams continued in the closest attention to the affairs of congress. His labours were incessant. He was a member of ninety different committees, a greater number than any other delegate, and twice as many as any but Samuel Adams and Richard Henry Lee. He was chairman of twenty-five committees. He was also chairman of the board of war and of the board of appeals; he was on the committees to give instructions to foreign ministers, to give instructions and commissions to military officers, to prepare various addresses, on the medical department, the post office, and others of the highest responsibility, and requiring the closest attention. Certainly

his duties must have been more multifarious and severe than those of any officer under any government in the world. From these overwhelming labours Mr. Adams was relieved in December 1777, by the appointment which he received and accepted, of commissioner to France. This mission was founded on the anxiety generally felt to obtain open and efficient succours from the French government, in the war against its ancient and perpetual enemy or rival, Great Britain. The physical weakness of the United States was felt by all; the want of arms and equipments, but above all of money, was known to all those who had been concerned in public affairs; and it had become greatly important to arrange an explicit understanding with the king of France; which the marquis La Fayette and other chivalrous Frenchmen at that time serving in the American armies, represented to be altogether practicable. He was appointed to take the place of Silas Deane, who with Dr. Franklin and Arthur Lee had been appointed commissioners in the preceding year.

Mr. Adams felt the importance of this service, and reluctantly agreed to a long separation from his family and the perils of a winter voyage across an ocean covered with hostile cruisers, when capture would most certainly subject him to close imprisonment in the tower of London.

He embarked on board of the frigate Boston, in the month of February, 1778, from the shore of his native town, at the foot of Mount Wollaston, and had, in the course of the voyage, an opportunity, for the first time, of participating in the personal peril of the contest, and of firing a gun at the enemy. Captain Tucker, the commander of the Boston, discovering an enemy's ship, could not resist the temptation to give chase and engage her, although his immediate duty was to sail direct for France and land his passenger. The consent of Mr. Adams was first asked, and willingly given to

the occasion. Affected passion, intense expression, the pomp of declamation, all may aspire after it, but they cannot reach it. It comes, if it come at all, like the outbreaking of a fountain from the earth, or the bursting forth of volcanic fires, with spontaneous, original, native force. The graces taught in schools, the costly ornaments, and studied contrivances of speech, shock and disgust men, when their own lives, and the fate of their wives, their children, and their country, hang on the decision of the hour. Then words have lost their power, rhetoric is vain, and all elaborate oratory contemptible. Even genius itself then feels rebuked and subdued, as in the presence of higher qualities. Then patriotism is eloquent, then self-devotion is eloquent. The clear conception, outrunning the deductions of logic, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the whole man onward, right onward to his object--this, this is eloquence, or rather it is something greater and higher than eloquence, it is action, noble, sublime, godlike action."

While Mr. Adams was thus lending his whole soul to the advancement of the measure, he was also a member of the committee which had been appointed, in anticipation, to prepare a suitable manifesto or declaration to be issued whenever the question should be decided. The proposition having come from the Virginia delegates, in conformity with instructions from the convention of the people at Williamsburg, and thus wearing the appearance of a popular rather than a congressional movement, the policy had been carefully observed of placing a Virginia member at the head of this committee. Mr. Lee, who was at that time the most prominent delegate from that colony, had been called home by illness in his family; Mr. Jefferson, then a young mem