and distant colonies, not only new acquaintances were to be made, but the extent of their public spirit was yet to be ascertained. Boston having been the focus of opposition, the politicians of that place were generally supposed to be more disposed towards extreme and violent measures, than those whose situation had been more remote. It was rumoured concerning Mr. Adams, as a suspicion unfavourable to his character for discretion and judgment, that he sought to produce a separation of the colonies from England, and the establishment of an independent government; a plan that seemed in the eyes of most of his co-patriots excessively rash and inexpedient. He received various hints on this subject, and was warned during his journey to Philadelphia in September, by several friendly advisers, that he and his colleagues should be careful not to utter a word in favour of independence, and being already seriously suspected of such designs, they should in prudence avoid all appearance of taking a lead in the proceedings of the congress; but ought rather to yield precedence to the Virginia gentlemen who represented the largest colony, and were not infected with any such wild notions.

Mr. Adams found the inhabitants of Philadelphia generally prepared to look upon him as an over zealous enthusiast, rather to be admired for his generous ardour, than trusted for political wisdom. If such was the light in which he appeared to most of the delegates to whom he was yet personally a stranger, he found at least in Patrick Henry, and Thomas M'Kean, if in no others, a congeniality of feelings as complete as had existed between him and any one of his colleagues, or the exasperated patriots that he had left in Boston.

The proceedings of this congress are well known, and their character has been the theme of well deserved eulogy VOL. I.-N

from many eloquent writers on both sides of the Atlantic. The public papers that were issued by them, drew from Lord Chatham the compliment, "that he had studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master spirits of the world; but that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, no body of men could stand in preference to this congress.

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Mr. Adams had the satisfaction to see the principle, for which he had been contending unremittingly and publicly for nine years, namely, that parliament possessed no right to tax the colonies, fully adopted as the fundamental article of political faith of all the colonies; and the most earnest attention paid by the whole congress, to the distressful situation of disfranchised Boston.

The association which was formed by the congress and signed first by the members, comprising a non-importation, non-exportation, and non-consumption agreement was, Mr. Adams thought, the best measure that could then be adopted, in conjunction with the able and eloquent addresses to the king and the British people; but he did not very confidently hope, that these expedients would have the desired effect on the obduracy of the royal government.

"When congress had finished their business, as they thought," said Mr. Adams on this subject in a letter written a few years since, "in the autumn of 1774, I had with Mr. Henry, before we took leave of each other, some familiar conversation, in which I expressed a full conviction that our resolves, declaration of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, and addresses, associations, and nonimportation agreements, however they might be expected in America, and however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be but waste water in England. Mr. Henry said, they might make some impression among the people of

England, but agreed with me that they would be totally lost upon the government. I had but just received a short and hasty letter, written to me by major Joseph Hawley of Northampton, containing a few broken hints,' as he called them, of what he thought was proper to be done, and concluding with these words, after all we must fight.' This letter I read to Mr. Henry, who listened with great attention; and as soon as I had pronounced the words, ‘after all we must fight,' he raised his head, and with an energy and vehemence that I can never forget, broke out with 'By G-d, I am of that man's mind.' I put the letter into his hand, and when he had read it he returned it to me, with an equally solemn asseveration, that he agreed entirely in opinion with the writer.

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"The other delegates from Virginia returned to their state in full confidence, that all our grievances would be redressed. The last words that Mr. Richard Henry Lee said to me, when we parted, were, we shall infallibly carry all our points. You will be completely relieved; all the offensive acts will be repealed; the army and fleet will be recalled, and Britain will give up her foolish project.'

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Washington only was in doubt. He never spoke in public. In private he joined with those who advocated a nonexportation, as well as a non-importation agreement. With both he thought we should prevail; without either he thought it doubtful. Henry was clear in one opinion, Richard Henry Lee in an opposite opinion, and Washington doubted between the two."

These were, doubtless, generous anticipations, founded on a mistaken confidence in the magnanimity and wisdom of the British rulers. But they did not deserve the compliment; the ministry were at that time more than commonly deficient in both these qualities; they and the people of England were

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equally ignorant of the condition, the history, and the feelings of America; the Americans were known to the British people only by the transactions of commerce.

They were known to the government only through governor Bernard and a few more returned officers, who had come to exercise power in a country of which they had scarcely heard the names of the chief towns, and had gone back not much wiser than they came. The prime minister talked of the "island" of Virginia, and the eloquent Burke declared that he had not an acquaintance among the colonists.

A short time dissipated the illusion and showed the necessity of another session of congress, and of more vigorous

measures.

The people of Massachusetts had at this period, the proud satisfaction of being the most immediate objects of ministerial vengeance. The former government was by this time dissolved, and a provincial congress had assembled, and in December of the same year said, very truly, to the inhabitants, "you are placed by Providence in a post of honour, because it is a post of danger; and while struggling for the noblest objects, the liberties of our country, the happiness of posterity, and the rights of human nature, the eyes not only of North America and the whole British empire, but of all Europe are upon you.”

This was no exaggerated picture. Such a contest was commenced, and upon it depended the fate of popular government. The issue was however already ascertained; scenes of bloodshed, seasons of privations, long trials of fortitude, much suffering, anxiety and embarrassment were yet to be gone through. But the result was ensured when two thirds of the American people, and that was the proportion, according to the estimate of John Adams and Thomas M'Kean, had learned

to understand their rights, and made up their resolution to maintain them.

Perhaps it would be adopting too early a date for this revolution, in the minds of the Americans, to place it so soon as the close of the year 1774; the ensuing season produced great events, which materially advanced the cause of freedom.

The situation of Massachusetts was, at this period, very remarkable; without government, and deprived of trade, the spirit which the leading patriots had infused into the people, sustained their firmness, and kept them within the bounds of regularity and order better than the most rigid police could have done. A letter written by an intelligent gentleman of Boston, at this date, to a friend in England, contains the following picture. The state of this province is a great curiosity; I wish the pen of some able historian may transmit it to posterity. Four hundred thousand people are in a state of nature, and yet as still and peaceable at present as ever they were when government was in full vigour. We have neither legislators nor magistrates, nor executive officers. We have no officers but military ones. Of these we have a multitude chosen by the people, and exercising them with more authority and spirit than ever any did who had commissions from a governor.

"The town of Boston is a spectacle worthy of the attention of a deity, suffering amazing distress, yet determined to endure as much as human nature can, rather than betray America and posterity. General Gage's army is sickly, and extremely addicted to desertion. What would they be if things were brought to extremities? Do you think such an army would march through our woods, and thickets, and country villages, to cut the throats of honest people contending for liberty?"