TO C. LEE, ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

Quincy, 10 October, 1798. The session of Congress approaches faster than I can prepare for it in the afflicted state of my family and tottering state of my frame. I request you to consider whether Congress can meet in Philadelphia with safety to their persons, and also to all the attention I am master of. The long continued dangerous sickness of my best friend, and her still precarious destiny, have thrown my mind into a state of depression, agitation, and anxiety, which will not admit of a full discussion of the various points on which you and I appear to differ in opinion. I will hint at a few things, which I see in a different light from that in which you have placed them.

In the first place, I am under no apprehension at all for the honor, personal influence, or character of the chief of our nation, whether he places General Knox first or General Hamilton. If he thought for one moment that both those generals together could hurt his honor, diminish his personal influence, or injure his character, he would resign his office at once. This point, therefore, I hope is settled between you and me forever.

You are perfectly correct in your opinion, that General Washington has never disclosed a wish to interfere with any of the powers constitutionally vested in the President. However perfect the concert between the President and Commanderin-chief, it will remain for time to discover, whether such jealousy, rivalry, and animosity will not be produced by the conflicting passions of powerful individuals, as no authority in this country can possibly compose. That is to say, in other words, it is a problem whether our Constitution can possibly command an army and conduct a war.

Whether General Washington was, or was not, nominated to command the armies without any previous consultation or notice, is nothing to the present questions, nor has any one, that I know of, any motive or authority to inquire into this point. I had evidence enough to convince me that he expected it, that he wished it, and that he would accept it. Otherwise I never would have

nominated him.

as

That General Washington formed a list out of names that I had committed to paper to be laid before him, is true; that after mature deliberation he settled the rank, which, in his judgment, the officers in question ought to enjoy, I do not admit and cannot believe. It was never the advice of General Washington, I understood it, that the Inspector-General should be the first Major-General. He never expressed any such idea to me. His list contained no such idea. When Mr. McHenry proposed to me to nominate him to the Senate as first Major-General, I positively refused to do it. On the contrary, in the letter from General Washington to General Hamilton, which Mr. McHenry showed to me and which has never escaped my memory, General Washington's expec tation and inclination, that General Pinckney should be the first Major-General, was not equivocal. And besides, he expressly says: "After all, the whole must depend upon the President." * Not one circumstance ever indicated that General Washington's advice or wish was that General Hamilton should be first Major-General. On the contrary, his expectation and desire were clear to me that Pinckney should be first.f As to the expectation of the public, I have had

*The words are: "For after all, it rests with the President to use his pleasure." See the whole letter, Sparks's Washington, vol. xi. pp. 263-267.

† See page 586, note, for a summary of the evidence on this point.

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write me your sentiments of the particulars which ought to be inserted in the speech. I shall be obliged, by the long continued sickness of Mrs. Adams and her consequent weakness, to remain. here till the last moment, and set out only soon enough to meet longer experience and better opportunities to know both than you have, and I am not so clearly of your opinion.

General Washington's list gave no command to Hamilton, but as InspectorGeneral. The Commander-in-chief might occasionally give him command. It was plain to me from his list, that General Washington meant to leave the rank to be settled by friendly agreement among the gentlemen, or by subsequent orders of the Lieutenant-General, or by a subsequent appeal to the President. I am persuaded that no personal considerations, distinct from the public interest, have influenced General Washington, and I know that none have influenced

me.

General Knox is no favorite of mine, any more than General Hamilton. I have no kind of attachment to him or affection for him, more than for Hamilton. He never was my intimate nor my friend, and he has no kind of attachment to me, more than Hamilton. If you are not informed, I am, that Knox never served my interest, fame, or promotion more than Hamilton. Nay, further, I know he has opposed me more than ever Hamilton did, although in the earlier part of his life I contributed more than any man, perhaps, to recommend him, merely on public principles, to General Washington, Lee, &c., who first promoted him so rapidly. Knox, however, went through the war with honor and dignity; and he is universally acknowledged to be brave, cool, attentive, and able at all times, and good humored, as well as alert, active, and undaunted in the day of battle. I know not why such an officer should be disgraced or degraded.

The resolutions of the old Congress are not the only grounds, nor the principal ground, of my opinion, that, as matters now are circumstanced, Hamilton is the last in rank of the Major-Generals. The office of Inspector-General gives no rank. The rank of Major-General, given him in his nomination and commission, will give him rank before Brigadiers, but after every Major-General commissioned on the same day. The rank of Major-General, and the office and command of Major-General, are different things. As the case now stands, Hamilton will rank after Lee and Hand as well as Pinckney and Knox. This is not my intention. This may be remedied by dating the commissions of Lee and Hand after that of Hamilton, it is true; but if something is not done, you will find the pretensions of Lee and Hand set up.

I have seen more of General Washington's letters upon this subject than you have, or Mr. McHenry; and in my opinion it would be more discreet to say less about him upon this occasion than has been said.*

I am not of your opinion, that either Knox or Hamilton will refuse, whatever may be their relative rank. If I were sure that both would refuse, it should make no alteration. For, be assured, I stand in no awe of either.

You seem to consider the affair as a measure of finance, and if I was fully convinced that the appointment of Hamilton would produce economical regulations of any great consequence, it would have great weight with me. For, be assured, there is not a democrat in the world who affects more horror than I really feel, at the prospect of that frightful system of debts and taxes, into which imperious necessity seems to be precipitating us.

If I should consent to the appointment of Hamilton as second in rank, I should consider it as the most responsible action of my whole life, and the most difficult

This seems to imply a knowledge of General Washington's letters to General Knox of the 16th July and the 9th of August, in which the former clearly shows that the appointment of Hamilton, to be second, was not his original purpose. See Sparks's Washington, vol. xi. pp. 268, 282.

In this he proved mistaken. General Knox did decline to serve under Hamilton.

Congress on the first Monday in December, which will make it desirable to me to receive your sentiments as early as possible, that I may make some arrangements in season.1

JOHN ADAMS.

TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Quincy, 14 October, 1798.

I received last night your favor of the 5th. The letter for our minister at Berlin shall be forwarded as you desire; and, thank you for despatching the instructions to the collectors and the commission to Mr. Bushrod Washington.

There were two young gentlemen, nephews to the General, who were at college when my family was in Philadelphia, and

to justify. Hamilton is not a native of the United States, but a foreigner, and, I believe, has not resided longer, at least not much longer, in North America, than Albert Gallatin. His rank in the late army was comparatively very low. His merits with a party are the merits of John Calvin, —

"Some think on Calvin heaven's own spirit fell,

While others deem him instrument of hell."

I know that Knox has no popular character, even in Massachusetts. I know, too, that Hamilton has no popular character in any part of America.

I have given so much attention to your representation, that I have dated the commissions to Knox, Pinckney, and Hamilton, all on the same day, in hopes that under the auspices of General Washington the gentlemen may come to some amicable settlement of the dispute. The rank of the other Major-Generals, as well as of the Brigadiers, must be settled by the date of their commissions. I shall do all in my power to persuade Knox to accept.

This hasty letter, written in deep affliction, is fit only to be private and confidential; but I hope it will appear wherever yours appears.

1 A similar form was addressed to all the other cabinet-officers. Mr. Pickering answered it on the 5th of November, submitting the heads only of what he should recommend for the message. These were: 1. A review of Mr. Gerry's transactions in France. 2. The final settlement of the St. Croix boundary. 3. The commencement of the fixing the boundary with Spain on the South. 4. Determined preparations for war, which may prevent it.

The replies of Mr. Wolcott and of Mr. Stoddert are published in the work of Mr. Gibbs. The former consists of the draft which had been prepared after consultation with Mr. Hamilton. Vol. ii. p. 115, pp. 168-171.

Mr. McHenry's letter is dated the 25th of November. It urges the composi tion of such a message as would lead Congress to a declaration of war with France; it suggests the mention of the surrender by Spain of two posts on the east bank of the Mississippi, and a recommendation of the investment in the President of full power to take possession of Louisiana and the Floridas, on behalf of Spain, in case of danger of their being seized by the French.

Mr. Lee's answer is dated the 27th of October, and relates to the place of meeting of Congress. He recommends Baltimore, in case the fever should continue in Philadelphia. In a later paper he dilates mainly upon the alien

and sedition laws.

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sometimes visited us, who appeared to me to be promising I wish you would suggest to Mr. McHenry to young men. make some inquiry about them, and find out whether they are proper for any appointment in the army, or otherwise, and whether they are desirous of public employment. The delicacy which has restrained the family, may do injustice to them and the public, if some precautions are not taken.

Quincy, 15 October, 1798.

I have received yours of the 6th, and thank you for the intelligence from the southward.

The effervescence at Madrid, as well as the news from Naples, coincides with Mr. King's letter; and the news from Trieste. confirms or rather favors the account that Bonaparte's destination was the Adriatic, not Egypt; but we must wait for further éclaircissements.

Mr. Sullivan's letter gives me apprehension that our friend Benson has been stretching himself, in order to be perfectly upright, until he has bent backwards. But, according to the law and to the testimony, we must submit to the decision; but the very map they have made is a demonstration to me that our claim is just.1

TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

(Private.)

Quincy, 15 October, 1798.

DEAR SIR, — I received your answer to the address from Virginia, concinnate and consummate. My secretary gave a hint of it to Mrs. Adams, and she insisted upon his bringing it to her bedside and reading it to her. She desires me to tell you that, weak and low as she is, she has spirit enough left to be delighted with it. She says it is the best answer to an that I, You may well suppose address that ever was written. who am so severely reflected upon by these compliments, am

1 This relates to the decision of the commissioners, of whom Mr. Egbert Benson was one, upon the boundary, named as the river St. Croix, in the treaty of 1783. 51*

disposed enough to think them extravagant. I, however, think the answer excellent, and wish you had to answer all the saucy addresses I have received. I do not intend to answer any more of the disrespectful ones.1

TO RUFUS KING.

Quincy, 16 October, 1798.

The inclosed letter from the Secretary of State, I pray you to convey in safety and as soon as may be to Berlin. I ought not to omit this opportunity to thank you for the pamphlets you have sent me from time to time. They not only entertain and amuse me, but I flatter myself are useful. Our country seems to be, as we used to say in 1774, unanimous and firm. They are much more so now than they were then. New York and Pennsylvania were always a little chancelantes, but they will be kept tolerably steady. There are strong pillars in both. But, watchman, what of the night? Where is all tending? I am weary of conjectures. Will princes ever be more wise, or people more temperate or united, or aristocrats more willing to acknowledge a superior?

TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Quincy, 16 October, 1798.

I have received your favor of the 11th, and return you three warrants signed, which you may fill up for General Collot, Mr. Schweitzer, and the person mentioned in Mr. King's letter, if he is to be found.

I could trust the heads of department with this power, rather than my own judgment. But, I think, we ought to give the

1 As Mr. Pickering has quoted this note, it is deemed but just to insert it in the present collection. But at this distance of time the praise appears to savor too much of partisan feeling. The sharp reply to the address placed Mr. Adams, on the one side, in the attitude of combat with the opposition, and on the other, involved him with Mr. Gerry. The course marked out at the close of the letter commends itself to the judgment in all similar cases. But addresses and answers have, very properly, gone entirely out of vogue.