moments at this place, I am apprehensive that you may think of me for a senator, as I find that some other gentlemen have done and continue to do.

You know very well, how ungracious and odious the nonacceptance of an appointment by election is; and, therefore, let me beg of you not to expose me to the necessity of incurring the censure of the public, and the obloquy of individuals, by so unpopular a measure.

I have long revolved, in an anxious mind, the duties of the man and the citizen; and, without entering into details at present, the result of all my reflections on the place of a senator in the new government, is an unchangeable determination to refuse it.

With great respect and esteem, I am dear sir, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ELBRIDGE GERRY TO JOHN ADAMS.

New York, 4 March, 1789.

MY DEAR FRIEND, I find, on inquiry, that you are elected Vice-President, having three or four times the number of votes of any other candidate. Maryland threw away their votes on Colonel Harrison, and South Carolina on Governor Rutledge, being, with some other States which were not unanimous for you, apprehensive that this was a necessary step to prevent your election to the chair. In this point they were mistaken, for the President, as I am informed from pretty good authority, has a unanimous vote.1 It is the universal wish of all that I

1 There was certainly a wide difference between receiving sixty-nine votes, the whole number, and only thirty-four, less than half. Mr. Hamilton has made it a matter of reproach to Mr. Adams that "he complained of unfair treatment, in not having an equal chance of the electoral vote, by leaving the votes to an uninfluenced current." What he did complain of, and very reasonably too, was, the secret effort made to reduce the votes for him everywhere, to such a degree as to leave him the representative of a minority. That this was assiduously done by Mr. Hamilton himself, is clear from his own letters now published. But Mr. Adams had different evidence in his hands at the time. From Hartford, John Trumbull, an impartial witness, gave him his idea of the action had in Connecticut, in the following terms:

"In the choice of V. P. you had certainly no rival. All that could be done by your enemies was to deprive you of a number of votes. Many of your friends were duped on that occasion. I will inform you how it was managed in Connecticut. On the day before the election, Colonel Webb came on express to Hartford, sent, as he said, by Colonel Hamilton, &c., who, he assured us, had

have conferred with, and indeed their expectation, that both General Washington and yourself will accept; and should either refuse, it will have a very disagreeable effect. The members present met to-day in the City Hall; there being about eleven senators and thirteen representatives, and not constituting a quorum in either house, they adjourned till to-mor

row.

Mrs. Gerry and the ladies join me in sincere regards to yourself, your lady, Colonel and Mrs. Smith; and be assured, I remain, &c.

E. GERRY.

THE VICE-PRESIDENT'S SPEECH.

Extract from the Journal of the Senate of the United States.

Tuesday, April 21, 1789.

THE senate assembled: present as yesterday.

The committee, appointed on the 20th instant, consisting of Mr. Strong and Mr. Izard, to conduct the Vice-President to the senate chamber, executed their commission; and Mr. Langdon, the president pro tempore, meeting the Vice-President upon the floor of the senate chamber, addressed him as follows:

SIR, I have it in charge from the senate to introduce you to the chair of this house, and also to congratulate you on your appointment to the office of Vice-President of the United States of America.

After which Mr. Langdon conducted the Vice-President to the chair, when the Vice-President addressed the senate as follows:

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, -Invited to this respectable made an exact calculation on the subject, and found that New Jersey were to throw away three votes, I think, and Connecticut two, and all would be well. I exclaimed against the measure, and insisted that it was all a deception; but what could my single opinion avail against an express, armed with intelligence and calculations? So our electors threw away two votes where they were sure they would do no harm."

"I

Very justly does Mr. Adams remark, in one of his letters to Trumbull:have seen the utmost delicacy used towards others, but my feelings have never been regarded."

These labors were not confined to Connecticut and New Jersey. Hamilton's Works, vol. v. p. 533. See also vol. vi. of this work, p. 543.

situation by the suffrages of our fellow citizens, according to the constitution, I have thought it my duty cheerfully and readily to accept it. Unaccustomed to refuse any public service, however dangerous to my reputation, or disproportioned to my talents, it would have been inconsistent to have adopted another maxim of conduct at this time, when the prosperity of the country and the liberties of the people require, perhaps, as much as ever, the attention of those who possess any share of the public confidence.

I should be destitute of sensibility, if, upon my arrival in this city, and presentation to this legislature, and especially to this senate, I could see, without emotion, so many of those characters, of whose virtuous exertions I have so often been a witness; from whose countenances and examples I have ever derived encouragement and animation; whose disinterested friendship has supported me, in many intricate conjunctures of public affairs, at home and abroad; those celebrated defenders of the liberties of this country, whom menaces could not intimidate, corruption seduce, nor flattery allure; those intrepid asserters of the rights of mankind, whose philosophy and policy have enlightened the world, in twenty years, more than it was ever before enlightened, in many centuries, by ancient schools or modern universities.

I must have been inattentive to the course of events, if I were either ignorant of the fame, or insensible to the merit, of those other characters in the senate, to whom it has been my misfortune to have been hitherto personally unknown.

It is with satisfaction that I congratulate the people of America on the formation of a national constitution, and the fair prospect of a consistent administration of a government of laws; on the acquisition of a house of representatives, chosen by themselves; of a senate, thus composed by their own State legislatures; and on the prospect of an executive authority, in the hands of one, whose portrait I shall not presume to draw. Were I blessed with powers to do justice to his character, it would be impossible to increase the confidence or affection of his country, or make the smallest addition to his glory. This can only be effected by a discharge of the present exalted trust, on the same principles, with the same abilities and virtues, which have uniformly appeared in all his former conduct, pub

lic or private. May I, nevertheless, be indulged to inquire, if we look over the catalogue of the first magistrates of nations, whether they have been denominated presidents or consuls, kings or princes, where shall we find one, whose commanding talents and virtues, whose overruling good fortune, have so completely united all hearts and voices in his favor, who enjoyed the esteem and admiration of foreign nations and fellow citizens with equal unanimity? Qualities, so uncommon, are no common blessings to the country that possesses them. By those great qualities, and their benign effects, has Providence marked out the head of this nation with a hand, so distinctly visible, as to have been seen by all men, and mistaken by none.

It is not for me to interrupt your deliberations by any general observations on the state of the nation, or by recommending or proposing any particular measures. It would be superflous, to gentlemen of your great experience, to urge the necessity of order. It is only necessary to make an apology for myself. Not wholly without experience in public assemblies, I have been more accustomed to take a share in their debates, than to preside in their deliberations. It shall be my constant endeavor to behave towards every member of this most honorable body with all that consideration, delicacy, and decorum, which becomes the dignity of his station and character. But if, from inexperience or inadvertency, any thing should ever escape me, inconsistent with propriety, I must entreat you, by imputing it to its true cause, and not to any want of respect, to pardon and excuse it.

A trust of the greatest magnitude is committed to this legislature, and the eyes of the world are upon you. Your country expects, from the results of your deliberations, in concurrence with the other branches of government, consideration abroad and contentment at home, prosperity, order, justice, peace, and liberty. And may God Almighty's providence assist you to answer their just expectations.

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 10 May, 1789. DEAR SIR, Since mine of January 14th, yours of January 2d and March 1st have been handed to me; the former by Mr. Jones, whom I am glad to know on your recommendation, and to make him the channel of evidencing to you how much I esteem whatever comes from you. The internal agitations of this country, and the inactivity to which England is reduced by the state of imbecility in which the madness of the King has terminated, will leave the southwestern parts of Europe in peace for the present year. Denmark will probably continue to furnish only its stipulated succors to Russia, without engaging in the war as a principal. Perhaps a pacification may be effected between Russia and Sweden, though at present there is little appearance of it; so that we may expect that the war will go on this year between the two empires, the Turks and Swedes, without extending any further. Even the death of the Emperor, should it take place, would hardly withdraw his dominions from the war this summer. The revolution in this country has gone on hitherto with a quietness, a steadiness, and a progress, unexampled; but there is danger of a balk now. The three orders, which compose the States General, seem likely to stumble at the threshold on the great preliminary question, how shall they vote, by orders or persons? If they get well over this question, there will be no difficulty afterwards, there is so general a concurrence in the great points of constitutional reformation. If they do not get over this question (and this seems possible), it cannot be foreseen what issue this matter will take. As yet, however, no business being begun, no votes taken, we cannot pronounce with certainty the exact state of parties. This is a summary view of European affairs.

Though I have not official information of your election to the presidency of the senate, yet I have such information as renders it certain. Accept, I pray you, my sincere congratulations; no man on earth pays more cordial homage to your worth, nor wishes more fervently your happiness. Though I detest the appearance even of flattery, I cannot always suppress