chasing their captives. Yet I presume we shall be compelled to follow the base example of submission, and pay tribute or make presents, like the rest of Christians, to the mussulmen.

I wish you would take up the whole of this African system, and expose it altogether. Never, never will the slave trade be abolished, while Christian princes abase themselves before the piratical ensigns of Mahomet. With great esteem,

JOHN ADAMS.

THE TREASURY BOARD TO JOHN ADAMS.

Board of Treasury, 6 April, 1786.

SIR, We do ourselves the honor of transmitting to you a duplicate of our letters to yourself and the commissioners of the Dutch loans of the 7th and 22d March last. The latter, together with one of this date, addressed to the same gentlemen, and inclosing a bill in their favor on Messrs. Wilhem and Jan Willink, of Amsterdam, we request the favor of you to forward by the first mail. Our letter to the commissioners is left open for your perusal, by which you will find that our directions to those gentlemen are to appropriate the proceeds of this bill for the purpose specified in the resolve of congress of the 14th February, 1785, relative to the proposed treaties with the Barbary powers, in case the moneys appropriated for this object have not been drawn out of their hands previous to the receipt. of this bill. But, in case this event has taken place, our orders are to discount the bill, and to apply the proceeds for the payment of the Dutch interest, which becomes due on the first of June next. This remittance, added to the sum of thirty thousand dollars, which will be remitted to them for the same purpose by Messrs. Constable, Rucker & Co., in pursuance of a contract made with this Board, will very nearly complete the whole sum of interest which will become due on that day. The deficiency, we trust, will be made up by additional subscriptions to the loan; but, should this not be the case, we must request you not to draw the whole moneys appropriated for the Barbary treaties out of the hands of the commissioners (if not already done), relying on our taking measures to remit, with all possible despatch, to those gentlemen a further

sum of twenty thousand dollars, with directions to apply it, in the first instance, to make up any deficiency arising on this account on the sum of eighty thousand dollars appropriated for the purpose above mentioned.

We have the honor to be, &c.

SAMUEL OSGOOD,
WALTER LIVINGSTON.

TO JAMES BOWDOIN.

London, 9 May, 1786.

SIR, Your Excellency's letter of the 12th January1 I have had the honor to receive, and am much obliged to you for the information in it.

Your opinion of the policy of this country will be found, in the result of things, to be just; and your reasoning, in support of it, is so conclusive, and at the same time so obvious, that it is astonishing it has not its effect upon the cabinet. Every consideration has been repeatedly urged, to no effect; seamen, the navy, and power to strike an awful blow to their enemies at sea, on the first breaking out of a war, are the ideas that prevail over all others. Mr. Jenkinson, an old friend of the British empire, is still at his labors. He is about establishing a bounty upon fifteen ships to the southward, and upon two to double Cape Horn, for spermaceti whales. Americans are to take an oath that they mean to settle in England, before they are entitled to the bounty.

I have long since informed congress, that nothing is to be expected from this country but poverty, weakness, and ruin. If, after all, our people will carry on a ruinous trade, it is their own concern. But no man can do them a greater injury than by holding up to their view a hope that we shall receive any relief by taking off the duty on oil, or by admission to the West India Islands. They will infallibly be deceived, if they entertain any such expectations.

I have been circumstantially informed, from time to time and step by step, from Mr. Jefferson, the Marquis de Lafayette, and Mr. Barrett, of all the negotiations for exchanging our oil for the produce, manufactures, and sugars of France. The 1 See p. 363.

great revolution in trade, which you mention, ought to be promoted by every friend of America, and it must take place. I have made use of all these considerations. But if an angel from heaven should declare to this nation, that our States will unite, retaliate, prohibit, or trade with France, they would not believe it. There is not one man in the nation who pretends. to believe it; and, if he did, he would be treated with scorn.

Let me entreat you, sir, and every other citizen of the United States, to extinguish all hopes of relief to their trade from this country.

Peace with the Turks, comprehending, under this term, Constantinople, Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers, and Morocco, is essential to our navigation and commerce, and political consideration in Europe. Two or three hundred thousand guineas, and nothing less, will obtain it. It will be miserable policy and economy to lose two or three millions in trade, insurance, &c. &c., and still worse, to add two or three millions more in fitting out a navy to fight them, in order to save that sum in customary presents. We are now limited to a sum that will be worse than thrown away.

Intrigues of individuals are said to be on foot, to set South America free from Spain; and, not improbably, the pulse may be felt in the United States. But I hope the States will not only be prudent themselves, but oblige individuals to be so too. Portugal and Spain are bound, by a treaty of 1778, to support each other in such a case; and all the world will be in flames. We had better avoid the fury of them.

Three great objects agitate the cabinets of Europe in secret. The passage of the Dardanelles and navigation of the Danube, I consider as one. A free commerce with all the East Indies, is a second; and the independence of South America, is the third. They will all be pursued until they are obtained, as I fully believe. But, as all know the contest will be sharp, extensive, and long, all are afraid to begin. This is all confidential between you and me, and a few of our discreet friends. God bless our country; but I still tremble for its safety.

With great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO SECRETARY JAY.

Grosvenor Square, 16 May, 1786.

DEAR SIR, Last night I was honored with your letter of April 7th, and am happy to find that twelve States have granted to congress the impost. New York, I am persuaded, will not long withhold her assent, because that, in addition to all the other arguments in favor of the measure, she will have to consider that all the blame of consequences must now rest upon her; and she would find this, alone, a greater burden than the impost. This measure, alone, as soon as it is completed, will have a great effect, and instantly raise the United States in the consideration of Europe, and especially of England. Its beneficial effects will be soon felt in America, by producing a circulation of that property, the long stagnation of which has been a principal cause of the distress of the community. The States, jointly and severally, would find immediate benefits from establishing taxes to pay the whole interest of their debts, those of the confederation, as well as those of particular States; the interest of money would instantly be lowered, and capitals be employed in manufactures and commerce, that are now at usury. It is no paradox to say that every man would find himself the richer, the more taxes he pays; and this rule must hold good, until the taxes shall amount to a sum sufficient to discharge the interest due to every creditor in the community. The power to regulate the commerce of the whole, will not, probably, be long withheld from congress; and when that point shall be agreed to, you will begin to hear a cry in England. for a treaty. Like Daniel Defoe's game cock among the horses feet, it will be, "Pray, gentlemen, don't let us tread upon one another."

You have, I hope, before now, Lord Carmarthen's answer of February 28th to my memorial of November 30th. I had determined in my own mind not "to demand a categorical answer without the further orders of congress," and it is a great satisfaction to find your opinion coincide. It is now with congress to deliberate what answer they should make to his Lordship; and, for my own part, I do not see what answer they can

give, until they know the sense of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, and South Carolina.

With the highest regard, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE MARQUIS OF CARMARTHEN.

London, 18 May, 1786.

MY LORD, I do myself the honor of transmitting to your Lordship, herewith inclosed, an act of the United States of America in congress assembled, the 13th of October, 1785, together with copies of sundry other papers, relative to the boundary line between the United States and his Majesty's late province of Nova Scotia, part of which is now called New Brunswick. It is still fresh in the recollection of every person who was concerned in the negotiation of the late peace, that Mitchell's map was made use of by the British and American plenipotentiaries, and the river St. Croix was marked out on that map, as there delineated, for the boundary; which circumstance alone, it is hoped, will be sufficient to determine all questions which may have been raised concerning so recent a transaction. In former controversies between the crowns of Great Britain and France, concerning the boundary between the late province of Massachusetts Bay and Nova Scotia, it has often been contended by the British ministers and commissioners that the river St. Croix was a river still further eastward than the easternmost of those three which fall into the bay of Passamaquoddy, but never once admitted to be a river more westerly. So that the plenipotentiaries at the peace, on both sides, had reason to presume that, when they fixed on the St. Croix, surveyed by Mitchell and laid down by him on his map, there never could afterwards arise any controversy concerning it. Yet it seems, my Lord, that a number of his Majesty's subjects have crossed over the river and settled in the territory of the United States, an encroachment in which they can not be supposed to be countenanced by his Majesty's government.

Difficulties of this kind, if early attended to, are easily adjusted; and I shall be ready, at all times, to enter into conferences with your Lordship, that every point may be discussed,