that we cannot expect from the present ministry any reasonable arrangement with America for some time.

Lord
By

If we look to opposition, we see no better prospects. North is supposed to have great influence; but how? being at the head of the landed gentlemen, which is but another term for the tory interest. If he should depart from their system, he would lose all consideration. Mr. Fox has never been steady in American politics; and he has not at present the spirit to take any decided part. The Marquis of Lansdown would be more liberal; but he has no chance to come in; and, if he had, he would not be able to carry any plan into execution, so numerous and violent from all quarters would be the opposition to him. The Marquis of Buckingham has some good opinions of American commerce; but, although he is celebrated for minute details of information in American affairs, by all I can learn of him, he has lost his judgment and the true system in the chaos of these very minutiæ, and besides he is extremely odious to great multitudes of the first people.

Add to all these unfavorable considerations, that the stocks are at a great height, and the nation consequently in high spirits. As they have now evidence, as they think, that their commerce flourishes, and their credit is established, without a treaty with the United States, and without opening the West Indies. or Canada, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland to us, without taking off the alien duty upon oil, or admitting our ready built ships for sale, they will not now think it necessary to do any of these things. The general opinion is, that an act of parliament will be made at the ensuing session, placing the United States upon the footing of the most favored nation, and then let things take their course; let the United States do as they please, lay on duties or prohibitions, or make navigation acts, as they judge proper.

France is not idle amidst all this. The language they hold is that of perpetual and universal peace. Their ambassadors in all the Courts of Europe speak in this style. The corps diplomatique here have it familiarly in their mouths, that the Courts of London and Versailles have now the best dispositions towards each other, and that there is every prospect of a long peace between them; and there is such a fund of gullibility in this nation, that these lullabies soothe them into a

perfect security. Indeed, it is possible the peace may be maintained for ten or a dozen years; long enough for the English to get a little money to go to war again. But if, at the end of fifteen or twenty years, the navies of Bourbon and Holland should be pitted against that of Great Britain, and especially, if the United States should join their privateers and aids to the confederacy, the crisis of the British empire will then be complete, and its destruction certain. Some men see it, but posterity and futurity, though not very distant, appear to be less attended to in this country, at present, than in any other in the world. Present advantage is all they aim at, present evil all they hope to shun.

No Briton would deserve the character of a statesman, without a comprehensive view of the interests of the nation, relative to their liberties and form of government, relative to their manufactures, commerce, and navigation, relative to their foreign dominions in Asia, Africa, America, and in Europe, relatively to all the other powers of Europe, especially their ancient enemies, who have always endangered their existence, I mean the House of Bourbon; and their ancient friends, who have assisted in supporting them, and rearing up their wealth and power, I mean the Dutch and the United States of America; and all these relatively to the interests of posterity and future ages. But I have not seen the least appearance of any man in the three kingdoms, among the men in power, who answers this description. Lansdown is the most like it, but his integrity is suspected, his selfishness is acknowledged, and his influence far from great.

The posts upon our frontier give me great uneasiness. The ministers and people are so assured of peace with all their neighbors in Europe, that they hold all we can do in indifference. They think that if we should raise an army and take these posts, as we have a right to do, it would not oblige them to go to war with us; but, if we should march an army to Quebec, and take it, and another to Nova Scotia, and take that, it would be no great harm to them; if we should fit out privateers against their trade, they could easily send a line of frigates along our coast, that would do us more harm. So that they are quite easy. But they rely upon it, that we shall not raise an army to take the posts. The expense and difficulty they know will be great, and, therefore, they think they may

play with us as long as they please. The refugees are doing all they can to persuade the King and ministry to build other forts on their side of the lakes, to build a fleet of armed ships upon the lakes, and to negotiate with all the Indian nations, in order to attach them to their side. If these people can prevail, our posts will not be evacuated until this new system is accomplished. The resolutions of some of the United States, staying proceedings at law for old debts, and some other resolutions concerning the tories, represented to have been in some instances contrary to the treaty, will be the pretence.

In short, sir, I am like to be as insignificant here as you can imagine. I shall be treated, as I have been, with all the civility that is shown to other foreign ministers, but shall do nothing. I shall not even be answered; at least, this is my opinion. But congress will, no doubt, insist upon an answer; perhaps it may be most convenient to wait till spring and until the session of parliament is over, that we may have a full knowledge of their designs. It is most certain, that what is called high language, which you and I have heard so much of in the course of our lives, would be misplaced here at this time. It would not be answered with high language, but with what would be more disagreeable and perplexing,—with a contemptuous silence.

To borrow an expression from the late Governor Bernard, I find myself at the end of my tether; no step that I can take, no language I can hold, will do any good, or, indeed, much harm. It is congress and the legislatures of the States, who must deliberate and act at present.

The only system they can pursue, to help themselves, is, to complete their regulations for the encouragement of their own manufactures and navigation, to consider of more intimate commercial connections with France and other nations of Europe, to push their trade to the East Indies, and, perhaps, to extend even their political connections with France and Holland. How far it will be wise to go in these projects, I pretend not to judge; but, I hope, they will proceed with caution and deliberation. The United States stand upon high ground, and they will consider whether it would not even be descending to form any closer political connections at preThey are certainly at present on "vantage ground," if

sent.

they can unite in a system. If not, they must trust to the chapter of accidents. With great regard, &c.

TO SECRETARY JAY.

JOHN ADAMS.

Grosvenor Square, 6 December, 1785.

DEAR SIR,- If the facts which I have had the honor to state to you in my preceding letters are credited, I think it will appear that the connections of these kingdoms with foreign powers, every idea of the balance of Europe, the dominions of Great Britain in Asia and America, and all considerations of posterity, are sacrificed to a momentary tranquillity and credit; from which premises, it will be easy to conclude what will be the effect of the memorial, a copy of which is here enclosed, and which I shall certainly present to-morrow. It will not be answered in any manner. It is generally said "things must take their course, we must take our chance and meet the consequences of all the combinations of our rivals, we must risk it," &c. It is commonly said that ministry will bring in an act of parliament, at their next session, placing the United States upon the footing of the most favored nation, and then let them do what they please.

Thus, I find myself at a full stop. I shall not neglect any opportunity, to say or do whatever may have the least tendency to do any good; but it would be lessening the United States, if I were to tease ministers with applications, which would be answered only by neglect and silence. I shall transmit you every thing I can, which may afford you any information; but I think congress cannot avoid instructing me to demand an answer, and to take my leave, and return to America, if it is not given me in a reasonable time in the spring.

It is now with the States to determine, whether there is or is not a union in America. If there is, they may very easily make themselves respected in Europe; if there is not, they will be little regarded, and very soon at war with England, as I verily believe. I should advise all the great seaport towns to think a little of the means of defence, put the fortifications they have in as good order as they can, furnish themselves with arms

and ammunition, and put the militia through the continent upon as good a footing as may be.

I have little reliance on our negotiations in Barbary; the presents we have to offer, will, I fear, be despised. We shall learn by them, however, what will be necessary, and congress will determine what we must do. Mr. Lamb and Mr. Randall are gone. Mr. Barclay has been detained by Monsieur Beaumarchais' accounts, but I hope will go soon.

If all intercourse between Europe and America could be cut off forever, if every ship we have were burnt, and the keel of another never to be laid, we might still be the happiest people upon earth, and, in fifty years, the most powerful. The luxuries we import from Europe, instead of promoting our prosperity, only enfeeble our race of men and retard the increase of population. But the character of our people must be taken into consideration. They are as aquatic as the tortoises and sea-fowl, and the love of commerce, with its conveniences and pleasures, is a habit in them as unalterable as their natures. It is in vain, then, to amuse ourselves with the thought of annihilating commerce, unless as philosophical speculations. We are to consider men and things as practical statesmen, and to consider who our constituents are, and what they expect of us. Upon this principle we shall find that we must have connections with Europe, Asia, and Africa; and, therefore, the sooner we form those connections into a judicious system, the better it will be for us and our children.

We may now take measures which may save us many miseries and a vast expense of blood. We shall find that nothing can be done in Europe, but by keeping up the dignity of the United States; and that dignity, in Europe, is a very different thing from that which is and ought to be dignity in America. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN ADAMS.

A MEMORIAL.

The subscriber, minister plenipotentiary from the United States of America, has the honor to represent to the ministry of his Britannic Majesty, that, by the seventh article of the preli