and that of Bretagne was very near it. The Marshal de Castries is yet unmoved, but this opposition will, I fear, discourage him from going further.

These remonstrances attack every part of the first article; they oppose the free ports or entrepôts; they oppose the liberty to strangers to import timber, coal, even live stock, but espe cially salt beef, saltfish, rice, Indian corn, vegetables, leather tanned or in the hair, pitch, tar, turpentine; they are eager for reviving the regulations of 1727, and totally excluding all foreigners from their islands. In short, I see that French merchants consider their Colonies and colonists as English merchants considered us twenty years ago. It is true that all have not been equally extravagant; some have gone in their remonstrances no farther than against salt beef and salt fish.

Merchants, whether French, English, or Dutch, are very bad rulers of colonies at a distance, and their mistakes, if not firmly corrected by their governments, will make a serious common cause between Americans, northern and western.

The French fisheries, in consequence of the extension of their limits by the treaty of peace, upon the island of Newfoundland, and the free communication between the United States and St. Peters and Miquelon, have succeeded the last year in a remarkable manner. Marseilles, Bordeaux, and Rochelle, and many other places, have engaged in the Newfoundland fishery with a new ardor and uncommon profit. This is one striking advantage, arising wholly from their alliance with us, and they ought to be too sensible of it, to wish so soon to exclude us wholly from their islands. The government and more enlightened part of the nation are so, and will not give way to the interested clamors of those who see no further than their own private profit.

Nothing is more extravagant than the confident pretensions of French and English merchants, that they can supply their own islands. It is whimsical, but it is true, that the mercantile spirit should be the most hostile to the freedom of commerce; governments the most disposed to favor it are continually solicited by bodies of merchants, from partial views and private interests, to restrain and shackle it.

England, it is plain, will never treat with us here; and it is for congress to determine, whether they will accept the proposi

tion of the Court of St. James, and send a minister there, or renounce all thoughts of treating with it upon any thing. Spain seems equally averse to treating here; but if Mr. Gardoqui has arrived, who has full powers, congress may treat with him at New York.

The general state of Europe is critical, but the claims of the Emperor are so directly against treaties which interest so essentially all Europe, that I do not believe he will urge on a war that must embroil all the world, and end not at all to his advantage or honor. With very great esteem, &c. JOHN ADAMS.

SECRETARY JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

New York, 15 March, 1785.

DEAR SIR, The inclosed extracts from the Journal of congress will inform you of your appointment to go as minister to the Court of London, and of Mr. Smith being elected secretary of legation.1

I congratulate you on this event. It argues the confidence reposed in you by the United States, and, I am persuaded, will redound to your advantage as well as to your reputation.

The necessary papers are preparing, and Mr. Smith will carry them to you by the next packet.

With great respect, &c.

JOHN JAY.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND THOMAS

JEFFERSON.

Auteuil, 20 March, 1785.

GENTLEMEN,- According to your desire, I went early this inorning to Versailles, and finding the Count de Vergennes unembarrassed with company, and only attended by his private

1 By the United States in congress assembled,

February 24, 1785. Congress proceeded to the election of a minister plenipotentiary to represent the United States of America at the Court of Great Britain; and the ballot being taken, the Honorable John Adams was elected.

March 1, 1785. Congress proceeded to the election of a secretary to the legation to the Court of Great Britain; and the ballots being taken, Colonel William Smith was elected.

CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.

secretaries. I soon obtained the honor of a conference, in which I told him that my colleagues were very sorry that indisposition necessarily prevented their paying their respects to him in person, and obliged them to request me alone to wait on him, and ask his advice upon a thorny question we had with the Barbary powers. He asked what it was; and I put into his hand all the letters upon the subject, in French, Spanish, Italian, and English, all of which he read very attentively, and observed that it was obvious what was wanted, and what had piqued the Emperor of Morocco, namely, that congress had not written to him, nor sent him a consul with the customary presents; for that he was the most interested man in the world, and the most greedy of money. He asked whether we had written to congress and obtained their instructions. I answered, that we had full pow ers to treat with Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and the rest; but that it was impossible for us to go there, and that we had not a power of substitution. He said, then, we should write to the Emperor. I asked, if he would do us the favor to convey a letter for us through the French consul. He said he could not do this himself, because it was not in his department; but if we would make an office of it, he would communicate it to the Marshal de Castries, and return us his answer.

I told him, that in looking over the treaties between the several Christian powers and the Barbary States, we found that the treaty between the Crown of France and Algiers of the 25th of April, 1684, was expired, or near expiring, and we were desirous of knowing (if the question was not indiscreet) whether it had been renewed. He smiled upon this, and said it was true their treaty was upon the point of expiring, but he could not tell me whether it were renewed, as it was not in his department; but if we should insert this inquiry in our office, he would endeavor to obtain the Marshal de Castries's answer.

I told him that, in order to lay before congress all the information we could, and to enable them to judge the better what other orders to give us, or what other course to take, we had obtained authentic information from Mr. Bisdom and Mr. Van der Hope, concerning the presents annually given by their High Mightinesses, and that we should be very glad to know (if it was not improper) what was the annual amount of the presents made by his Majesty to each of those States, and in what arti

cles they consisted. He said, the king never sent them any naval or military stores, but he sent them glasses and other things of value; but that as it was not in his department, he could not give me particular information, but that we might put this into our office, with the other things.

I asked if there was not a considerable trade and frequent intercourse between parts of this kingdom and the coast of Barbary. He said there was, from Marseilles and the other ports upon the Mediterranean; but he thought, if we had presents to send, it would be more convenient to send them from Cadiz.

I then asked the favor of his advice, whether, in our letter to the Emperor of Morocco, we should leave it to his option to send here a minister to treat with us, or to wait until we could write to congress, and recommend it to them, to send a consul. He said he would by no means advise us to invite the Emperor to send a minister here to treat with us, because we must maintain him here and bear all the expenses of his voyages and journeys, which would be much more costly than for congress to send a consul.

But the Count concluded the whole conference by observing that every thing relative to this business was out of his department, and that we must state to him in writing all we desired to know or to have done, and he would convey it to the minister of the marine, and communicate to us his answer, and that we might depend upon it, that whenever we thought proper to make any office to him, it should be carefully attended to.

He added very particular inquiries concerning the health of Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson, which I answered to the best of my knowledge, and took my leave.

With great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

SECRETARY JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, 31 March, 1785.

DEAR SIR,I have the honor of transmitting to you, herewith inclosed, a certified copy of an act of congress of the 21st instant, instructing you to communicate to Mr. St. Saphorin the high sense the United States in congress assembled entertain of the

liberal decision made by his Danish Majesty on the question proposed to his minister by you, respecting the ordination of American candidates for holy orders in the Episcopal church, commonly called the Church of England.

Congress has been pleased to order me to transmit copies of your letter, and the other papers on this subject, to the executives of the different States; and I am persuaded they will receive with pleasure this mark of your attention and of his Danish Majesty's friendly disposition.

SIR, Some time since I received from Dr. Franklin a copy of the first edition of your Observations on the Importance of the American Revolution, and lately a copy of the second. I am much obliged to you, sir, for your kind attention to me, and for these valuable presents.

I think it may be said in praise of the citizens of the United States, that they are sincere inquirers after truth in matters of government and commerce; at least that there are among them as many, in proportion, of this liberal character, as any other country possesses. They cannot, therefore, but be obliged to you, and any other writers capable of throwing light upon these objects, who will take the pains to give them advice.

I am happy to find myself perfectly agreed with you, that we should begin by setting conscience free. When all men of all religions consistent with morals and property, shall enjoy equal liberty, property, or rather security of property, and an equal chance for honors and power, and when government shall be considered as having in it nothing more mysterious or divine than other arts or sciences, we may expect that improvements will be made in the human character and the state of society. But at what an immense distance is that period! Notwithstanding all that has been written from Sidney and Locke down to Dr. Price and the Abbé de Mably, all Europe still believes sovereignty to be a divine right, except a few men of letters.