comme trop essentielles, pour qu'on puisse se départir des changemens et additions proposés. Je ne vous dissimulerai point même, monsieur, qu'à en juger par mes instructions, la conclusion du traité en dépendra, selon toute apparence. Les remarques postérieures contribueront uniquement à donner plus de clarté et de précision à quelques articles.

Daignez, monsieur, envisager tout ceci, non comme une déclaration ministérielle, mais simplement comme un témoignage de ma confiance, et du désir dont je suis animé d'assurer le succès de nos soins communs, et d'éloigner tout ce qui pourrait faire naître des obstacles trop essentiels pour que je puisse espérer de les surmonter. Un mot de réponse de votre part me feroit grand plaisir. Agréez les assurances, &c.

DE THULEMEIER.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 2 February, 1785.

SIR, - Last week we received your much esteemed favor of 10 January, and observed with much pleasure your satisfaction on the flourishing state of the treasury of the United States in our hands. Your Excellency desires our opinion, whether the prospect of making new loans for the congress would be favorable. In answer to this, we heartily wish that we may not very soon be charged to try it, and that before it may become necessary, congress may be put in a situation, by a unanimous consentment of all the American States of the confederation, to point out a sufficient fund for the punctual payment of the capital and interest, which, as you know, has not been the case with the two first loans, and which at present would absolutely be required, because people in this country know that the States have not agreed upon this capital point. This circumstance certainly occasions that the credit of the United States cannot be carried to the point which we believe it deserves in consequence of the inward solidity and promising prospect of the sources of her welfare. Besides this, we are daily questioned about the ratification of the last loan, and we are at a loss what we shall answer, having not received any letters from the office of finance since the time when Mr. Morris resigned.

But, sir, whenever our wishes in these points should be ful

filled, which certainly would strengthen greatly the American credit, we should not advise to try another loan for some time, because we know that a great number of bonds of both of the former remain still in the hands of the undertakers, which, as you know, is the second hand, and there is no great prospect that they will sell their shares so soon, on occasion that we have every day new loans opened here, as, for instance, one of seven millions in favor of the East India Company, one of twelve hundred thousand florins for the States of Zealand, one of two millions for Sweden, and we expect every day a loan for our Province; added to this, large sums are employed in the French loan, and you will easily conclude that money becomes very scarce, which we hope will not be the case next year; and if then congress might wish to pay off the loans in France, and raise the money in this country, it would give us much pleasure to give her again satisfaction with our endeavors, and at the same time to observe an unlimited confidence with our countrymen.

We observe, sir, what you are pleased to mention about the commission which our bankers charge upon the sums, which they pay you on account of your salary. It is our opinion, that properly this commission should be bonified by congress, and even that they should indemnify your Excellency for the trouble and hardships you had on their behalf, would not be amiss. But it being out of our line to decide any thing of that kind, we will only say, that, in case the said commission is charged by congress to your account, we will in future give such orders that you will have no reason to complain about it. We beg to return our compliments to your worthy family, and remain, &c.

WILHEM AND JAN WILLINK,

NICH. AND JACOB VAN STAPHORST,

DE LA LANDE AND FYNJE.

TO BARON DE THULEMEIER.

Auteuil, 13 February, 1785.

SIR,- Your favor of the 24th of January did not reach me until two days ago. I communicated the observations inclosed

in it immediately to my colleagues, who will transmit you our answers as soon as health and other circumstances will admit, I have communicated to them also your personal and confidential observations to me. They will have great weight, as they

ought to have.

I am weary of the slow motions of other courts and states, as much as I admire the despatch, intelligence, and decision of that of Berlin, and as much as I am charmed to find the King do us the honor to agree to the platonic philosophy of some of our articles, which are at least a good lesson to mankind, and will derive more influence from a treaty ratified by the King of Prussia, than from the writings of Plato or Sir Thomas More.

You may depend upon it, I will do every thing in my power to bring this treaty to a speedy conclusion, and to conform in every thing, as far as I can consistently with my instructions, to his Majesty's observations.

This answer, you perceive, is not ministerial, any more than your letter. But I hope to have the honor of signing the treaty with you, if I should not have that of residing near you at the Hague, which I wish, in a short time.

With great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

Auteuil, 16 February, 1785.

GENTLEMEN,-I have received your favor of the 6th of January and that of the 2d of February, and am much obliged to you for the particular account of the state of the cash and obligations in your hands. By all that I have learned from your letters, as well as by inquiry in conversation, it seems to be so possible, and indeed so probable, that the United States might be exposed to a loss of several hundred thousand guilders by a sudden fall of the agio, that I have not been able to resolve upon giving you directions to put the cash on hand into the bank, especially as I have every day expected, and still expect, not only the ratification of the last loan, but orders from congress or their commissioners of the treasury what to do with the whole sum. I still expect every moment to receive the orders of congress, and, therefore, shall not venture as yet to give

orders for putting the money into the bank. But, as you are on the spot, and are better informed than I am, I must leave it to your judgments to do what you shall think most for the interest of the United States, either by putting the whole, or a part, or none of the money into the bank. But, gentlemen, let me, above all things, recommend it to you, to keep the congress constantly informed of the state of their affairs in your hands. You may address your letters either to the president, his Excellency Richard Henry Lee, or to the office of finance. Perhaps it would be best to address duplicates; one to the president, and the other to the commissioners of the treasury.

I thank you, gentlemen, for what you say about my salary. But would it not be a saving for me to draw bills upon you and sell them here? As to an indemnification to me for "my troubles and hardships," I have no idea of asking, or even wishing for such a thing. Exclusive of all these, it would require a larger sum perhaps than you imagine, to indemnify me for my losses. This, too, I neither expect nor desire. Indeed, while the war continued, and all was at stake, I never thought about trouble, hardships, losses, or savings. But as peace is made, and danger to the public is no more, I should think myself bound to economy for the sake of my family, if I were not necessitated to it in order to pay my daily expenses, as I literally am at present. With much esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO SECRETARY JAY.

Auteuil, 9 March, 1785. SIR, Permit me to congratulate the United States upon the acquisition of a minister of foreign affairs whose long services have so justly acquired their confidence, and whose experience, as well as his talents, so fully qualify him for this important

trust.

The joint despatches of their ministers here will inform congress of the slow progress of the negotiations intrusted to their care. These delays are owing to the ordinary character of the deliberations of courts, and are in no measure occasioned by any inattention or inactivity on our part, and, as they are irremediable, must be submitted to with patience.

I must beg leave to repeat a request mentioned in several of my late letters, that congress would be pleased to transmit the ratification of my last loan, which I opened a year ago in Holland, and is long since full. The delay of the ratification has an ill effect. Congress will be pleased too to give orders, if it is not yet done, as I hope it has been, concerning near a million of guilders, which remain in the hands of their bankers at Amsterdam, as appears by some extracts of letters inclosed.

I have lately inquired of the Baron de Stael, the Swedish ambassador, and of M. d'Asp, the Swedish chargé d'affaires, an old acquaintance at the Hague, who has been lately removed to this Court, concerning the presents given by their Court to the Barbary powers. Both very obligingly promised to write to Stockholm for full information upon this subject. I have written to Mr. Dumas to apply to Mr. Bisdom and Mr. Van der Hope to learn the sums given by the Republic. The answers of those gentlemen I have communicated to my colleagues, and copies of them will be transmitted to congress by Mr. Humphreys in the joint despatches. If we can avoid this humiliating tribute, I should wish it with all my heart, but am afraid we must sooner or later submit to it. I cannot find it in my heart to wish ill-success to the two empires, if they really have, as they are suspected to have, the project of driving wholly out of Europe the Turkish empire, because the Barbary powers and their hateful piracies would probably come to an end at the same time. We wait for orders relative to those States, thinking it dangerous saying a word to Morocco before we are ready to treat with all.

There is at this time so intimate a connection between France, Sweden, and Holland, that I fancy we shall scarcely persuade either of the latter to agree to any supplementary treaties, unless the former should set the example, which we cannot expect, considering the opposition the ministry meets with from the merchants of the seaport towns, and even from some sovereign Courts. The ordinance of 30th August, 1784, which moderates the rigor of the letters-patent of October, 1727, and admits foreigners to the commerce of the Colonies under certain restrictions, has excited remonstrances from the merchants of Marseilles, Bordeaux, Rochelle, Nantes, St. Maloes, and Havre de Grace, and the parliament of Bordeaux has remonstrated,