trymen. The science of government, as it is founded upon the genuine principles of society, is many centuries behind that of most other sciences, that of the fine arts, as well as that of trades and manufactures. As it is the first in importance, it is to be hoped it may overtake the rest, and that mankind may find their account in it. The Berlin academician1 has set an example, which, if liberally followed, may produce great effects; for I do not believe that many will find with him, upon examination, that despotism, or even monarchy, is the best possible form of government.

They have sent me from Amsterdam copies of a translation of the Abbé de Mably's Letters, made by an English Episcopal clergyman at Amsterdam, whom I do not know. I inclose one to your Excellency; and have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 6 August, 1784.

SIR, Mr. Bingham sent me last night from Paris your Excellency's letter of the 27th past, inclosing a copy of one from Mr. Jefferson. I had before sent you a copy of one from the same to me, which I hope you received. I inclose herewith copies of a letter from Mr. Thomson, some new instructions, and one of the commissions. The other two are in the same words, except, that, instead of the words the United Netherlands, there is in one France, and in the other Sweden. These came

by Monsieur de la Luzerne, but it was not before Wednesday last that I received them. You will see that a good deal of

business is cut out for us,

- treaties to be made with, I think,

twenty powers in two years, so that we are not likely to eat the bread of idleness; and that we may not surfeit by eating too much, our masters have diminished our allowance. I commend their economy, and shall imitate it by diminishing my expense. Our too liberal entertainment of our countrymen here, has been reported at home by our guests, to our disadvantage, and has given offence. They must be contented for the future, as I am, with plain beef and pudding. The readers of Connecticut news

1 The Baron Hertzberg, whose dissertation had been read at Berlin on the 29th of January of this year. See an account of it in volume iv. p. 558, note.

papers ought not to be troubled with any more accounts of our extravagance. For my own part, if I could sit down to dinner on a piece of their excellent salt pork and pumpkin, I would not give a farthing for all the luxuries of Paris.

I am glad to hear that your family are safely arrived at London, and that you propose to bring them here with you. Your life will be more comfortable.

I thank you much for the translation of the Abbé de Mably's letters. The French edition is not yet published here. I have as yet only had time to run over the translator's preface, which seems well written. I imagine Mr. Sowden to be a Presbyterian minister, as I formerly corresponded with one of that name in Holland, who, I suppose, might be his father. I have not seen the piece you mention of a Berlin academician. I should not object to his enjoyment of the discovery he has made, that despotism is the best possible form of government, by his living under it as long as he pleases. For I admire the decision of his Prince in a similar case, the dispute among his clergy concerning the duration of hell torments.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THOMAS CUSHING.

Auteuil, 25 October, 1784.

DEAR SIR,Within a few days I have received your favor of the 16th of August, with the resolve of the general court of the 6th and 7th of July.

The line between Massachusetts and Nova Scotia gave me much uneasiness at the time of the negotiation of the provisional articles, and still continues to distress me. I knew that the French in former times had a practice of erecting a holy cross of wood upon every river they had a sight of, and that such crosses had been found on the banks of all the rivers in that region, and that several rivers, for this reason, were equally entitled with any one, to the appellation of St. Croix. St. John's River had a number of those crosses, and was as probably meant in the grant to Sir William Alexander, and in the charters of Massachusetts, as any other. I would accordingly have insisted on St. John's as the limit. But no map or docu

ment called St. John's St. Croix, nor was there one paper to justify us in insisting on it. The charters, the grant to Alexander, all the maps and other papers agreed in this, that St. Croix was the line between Massachusetts and Nova Scotia. My colleagues thought they could not be justified in insisting on a boundary which no record or memorial supported, and I confess I thought so too, after mature reflection; especially as the British ministers insisted long on Kennebec, and to the last moment on Penobscot, and we found their instructions upon this point were so rigorous, that they would not have agreed to St. John's without sending another courier to England, a loss of time which would not only have hazarded, but finally lost the whole peace for that year, as I fully believe.

We had before us, through the whole negotiation, a variety of maps; but it was Mitchell's map, upon which was marked out the whole of the boundary lines of the United States; and the river St. Croix which we fixed on was, upon that map, the nearest river to St. John's; so that, in all equity, good conscience, and honor, the river next to St. John's should be the boundary. I am glad the general court are taking early measures, and hope they will pursue them steadily, until the point is settled, which it may be now amicably; if neglected long, it may be more difficult.

It is reported here that the Indians are at war with the English, which is the excuse given out for the neglect of evacuating the posts upon our frontier near the lakes. Sir John Johnson's conference may be intended to make peace, in order to the evacuation, which could not easily be performed in sight of hostile Indians. I cannot believe that the British ministry mean to violate the treaty in this point, because it must bring on a war which none of them would be willing to take upon himself at present.

I was once upon a committee with Mr. Bowdoin, and drew a state of the claim of the Province to the lands now called Vermont; and I learn, by a letter from Mr. Dalton, that the report, in my handwriting, has been lately before the general court. contains all I ever knew upon the subject, and much more than I now remember.

I am, &c.

It

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Auteuil, 3 November, 1784.

SIR, Dr. Franklin has lately communicated to Mr. Jeffersou and me a letter he has received from the Count de Vergennes, and another from M. Grand. The first informs that M. Marbois had informed him, that, upon his application to the superintendent of finances, he had received an answer by Mr. Gouverneur Morris, that letters should be written both to Amsterdam and Paris, to provide for the payment of the interest of the ten millions of livres borrowed for the United States in Holland by the King; and reminds the American minister that other interest is due, and that the first payment of the capital will become due next year. M. Grand informs, that he is already about fifty thousand livres in advance for loan-office certificates, salaries, &c. These letters the doctor will, no doubt, transmit to congress; and as they relate to matters within his department, I might have been excused from mentioning them, if the mention of Amsterdam had not made it probable that Mr. Morris had it in contemplation to draw upon our bankers there for money to discharge this interest; and I cannot excuse myself from observing, that, if such drafts should be made, I am apprehensive they will be protested. France is at present in so much danger of being forced to take part in a war in the low countries, that I am not surprised at the Count de Vergennes' attention to matters of revenue, and that I cannot see any hope that Dr. Franklin will be able to obtain any relief from this Court.

It will be remembered that there is a debt of near a million and a half sterling to France, and another debt of more than half a million sterling in Holland, whose interests are constantly accruing. There are also salaries to ministers, and there is another call for money which is very pressing; the commerce of the Mediterranean is of great importance to the United States and to every one of them, and this commerce cannot be enjoyed with freedom, without treaties with the Barbary powers. It will be not only in vain, but dangerous and detrimental to open negotiations with these powers, without money for the customary presents. How are all these demands for money to

be satisfied? If cash, bills, or produce can be sent to Europe for the purpose, it will be happy for us; but I suppose that no man believes it possible; and, therefore, we must not only forego great future advantages, but violate contracts already made, and faith already pledged, and thereby totally ruin our credit, if not expose the property of our merchants to be seized abroad, or we must borrow more money in Europe. Now there is no part of Europe in which we can expect to borrow, unless it be in Holland, and there, we may rely upon it, all our hopes will fail us, if effectual measures are not taken to fund our foreign debt. If adequate funds were established for discharging the interest, we may hope for further credit; without them, our circumstances are absolutely desperate.

It is not for me to enter into the question how this is to be done; so far distant and so long absent, it would be impossible for me to form a judgment, if the subject were within my province, which it is not. The ability of our people for this and much greater things cannot be doubted by any man who knows any thing of their affairs, and it is a pity that any questions about the mode should retard this most necessary provision for the existence of our credit abroad.

I have this moment a letter from our bankers at Amsterdam, dated the 28th of October, in which they inform me that they have not received the ratification of my last loan; perhaps it did not arrive, until after the recess of congress. I must earnestly request that congress would despatch it as early as possible after their meeting, because the delay of it may excite an alarm and dash all our hopes at once. The half a million sterling which we have obtained in Holland, has been all transmitted to America in dollars, by the way of the Havana, or paid in redeeming bills of exchange, sold in America for very advantageous premiums. None of it has been laid out in goods, and, therefore, every other consideration calls upon us to be punctual, as well as our honor, which alone ought to be sufficient.

Inclosed are copies of papers received from M. Dumas, with my answers. I cannot forbear recommending this gentleman to congress upon this occasion, as the critical circumstances in the low countries at this time will render his intelligence very interesting, and his services at the Hague perhaps indispensably necessary. With great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.