in which the names stand in the new commission for peace, and in the resolution for a new commission for a treaty of commerce, that reason will not exist in any future commission. Mr. Hartley's powers are sufficient to go through the negotiation with us, and I suppose it will be chiefly conducted at Paris; yet we may all think it proper to make a tour to London, for a few weeks, especially in case any material obstacle should arise. We are told that such a visit would have a good effect at Court and with the nation; at least, it seems clear it would do no harm. With the greatest respect and esteem, &c. JOHN ADAMS. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Paris, 8 September, 1783. SIR, As the resolution of congress of the 1st of May has determined it to be my duty to remain in Europe at least another winter, I shall be obliged to say many things to your Excellency by letter, which I hoped to have had the honor of saying upon the floor of your house. Some of these things may be thought at first of little consequence, but time, and inquiry, and consideration, will show them to have weight. Of this sort is the subject of this letter. The views and designs, the intrigues and projects of courts, are let out by insensible degrees, and with infinite art and delicacy, in the gazettes. These channels of communication are very numerous, and they are artificially complicated in such a manner, that very few persons are able to trace the sources from whence insinuations and projects flow. The English papers are an engine by which every thing is scattered all over the world. They are open and free. The eyes of mankind are fixed upon them. They are taken by all courts and all politicians, and by almost all gazetteers. Of these papers, the French emissaries in London, even in time of war, but especially in time of peace, make a very great use; they insert in them things which they wish to have circulated far and wide. Some of the paragraphs inserted in them will do to circulate through all Europe, and some will not do, in the Courier de l'Europe. This is the most artful paper in the world; it is continually accommodating between the French and English ministry. If it should offend the English essentially, the ministry would prevent its publication; if it should sin against the French unpardonably, the ministry would instantly stop its circulation; it is, therefore, continually under the influence of the French ministers, whose underworkers have many things translated into it from the English papers, and many others inserted in it originally, both to the end that they may be circulated over the world, and particularly that they may be seen by the King of France, who reads this paper constantly. From the English papers and the Courier de l'Europe many things are transferred into various other gazettes, the Courier du Bas Rhin, the Gazette de Deux Ponts, the Courier d'Avignon, and the Gazette des Pays Bas. The gazettes of Leyden and Amsterdam are sometimes used for the more grave and solid objects, those of Deux Ponts and Avignon for popular topics, the small talk of coffee-houses, and still smaller and lower circles. All these papers and many others discover a perpetual complaisance for the French ministry, because they are always in their power so entirely, that if an offensive paragraph appears, the entrance and distribution of the gazette may be stopped by an order from Court, by which the gazetteer loses the sale of his paper in France, which is a great pecuniary object. Whoever shall hereafter come to Europe in any public employment, and take in the papers above enumerated, will acknowledge his obligations to me for mentioning them. He will find them a constant source of amusement, and sometimes of useful discoveries. I may hereafter possibly entertain congress with some curious speculations from these gazettes, which all have their attention fixed upon us, and very often honor us with their animadversions, sometimes with their grave counsels, but oftener still, with very subtle and sly insinuations. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN ADAMS. 13* TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Paris, 10 September, 1783. SIR, AS I am to remain in Europe for some time longer, I beg leave to take a cursory view of what appears necessary or expedient to be further done in Europe; for I conceive it to be not only the right, but the duty of a foreign minister, to advise his sovereign, according to his lights and judgment, although the more extensive information and superior wisdom of the sovereign may frequently see cause to pursue a different conduct. With Spain, no doubt, congress will negotiate by a particular minister, either the present one or another, and perhaps it would be proper that the same should treat with Naples. With the two Empires, Prussia, Denmark, Portugal, Sardinia, and Tuscany, I humbly conceive, it might be proper to negotiate, and perhaps with Hamburg; but there are other powers with whom it is more necessary to have treaties than it ought to be; I mean Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. I presume that congress will not think it expedient to be at the expense of sending ministers to all these powers, if to any. Perhaps in the present state of our finances, it may not be worth while to send any. Yet the present time is the best to negotiate with all. I submit it to consideration, then, whether it is not advisable to send a commission to such ministers as you judge proper, with full powers to treat with all, to the ministers now in Paris, or to any others. But I humbly conceive, that if powers to treat with all or any of these States are sent to any of your ministers now here, it would be for the public good, that they should be sent to all. If congress can find funds to treat with the Barbary powers, the ministers here are the best situated, for they should apply to the Court of Versailles and their High Mightinesses in the first place, that orders should be sent to their consuls, according to treaties, to assist us. Ministers here may carry on this negotiation by letters, or may be empowered to send an agent, if necessary. I have no private interest in this business. My salary will be the same, my expenses more, and labor much increased by such a measure. But, as it is of public importance, I think that no unnecessary delicacies should restrain me from suggesting these hints to congress. Whatever their determination may be, it will be satisfactory to me. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Your Excellency's, &c. JOHN ADAMS. ROBERT MORRIS TO JOHN ADAMS. Office of Finance, 20 September, 1783. SIR,I have been duly honored with your Excellency's favors of the 5th, 10th, and 11th of July. I have taken the liberty to make some extracts from the two latter, which are transmitted in a letter to the Governor of Massachusetts, a copy whereof is inclosed. Permit me, sir, to give my feeble approbation and applause to those sentiments of wisdom and integrity which are as happily expressed as they are forcibly conceived. The necessity of strengthening our confederation, providing for our debts, and forming some federal constitution, begins to be most seriously felt. But, unfortunately for America, the narrow and illiberal prejudices of some have taken such deep root, that it must be difficult and may prove impracticable to remove them. I agree with you, sir, in opinion, that the late peace was not, all circumstances considered, a bad one for England. It is, undoubtedly, a peace equally glorious to, and necessary for, America. All ranks of men in this country feel, as well as perceive, the benefits of it, and the fault-finders (for such men there always will be) are borne down by the general torrent of applause. I was happy to learn, by the Washington packet, that you intended a short trip to Amsterdam for the purpose of urging on the loan. I hope you may have met with the success due to your zeal and abilities; I shall ask no greater. With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c. 1 See pp. 81, 91, and 92, of this volume. (Inclosed.) ROBERT MORRIS TO THE GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS. Office of Finance, 20 September, 1783. SIR, I should do injustice to my own feelings, if I did not inclose you the extracts of letters I have lately received under date of the 10th and 11th July, from a wise and virtuous citizen of your State. The sentiments on public credit, contained in these letters, so just and forcible in themselves, must receive a double weight from the consideration, that Mr. Adams, during his late important negotiations, has been in a situation to see, feel, and know the importance of the subject on which he writes, and to search, scrutinize, and examine it to the bottom. I am, sir, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS. Amsterdam, 16 October, 1783. SIR, Some time having elapsed since we had the honor of addressing your Excellency, we now take the liberty of informing you, sir, of our having received letters from Mr. Morris, giving us intelligence of certain drafts which he had partly already made on us, and which he should yet make, though the total amount together was much more than we now have in cash for the United States of America. His Excellency is in the idea that before this time we should have provided that for which M. Grand may have occasion, though, not exactly knowing what that may be, we have given the necessary advice to M. Grand, that he must place no reliance upon being furnished by us; and we thought it advisable, also, to give your Excellency the same notice. It is exceedingly painful for us to be obliged to say that the success of the loan, since the month of August, is not such as we had reason to expect, when in the summer we had the honor of conversing with your Excellency. Besides the uncommon scarcity of money, a principal cause of the loan not succeeding |