sequent depreciation, has well nigh effected an entire transfer of my estate to my servants. I am very far from desiring that the law should place these contracts literally as they were, but substantially it seems just that they should be. Public justice demands that the true meaning and genuine spirit of contracts should be complied with."

Re

His sentiments on "the general assessment law," are thus stated in a letter to Mr. Madison, and are coincident with those of Patrick Henry. "It is certainly comfortable to know, that the legislature of our country is engaged in beneficial pursuits; for I conceive that the general assessment, and a digest of the moral laws, are very important concerns; the one to secure our peace, and the other our morals. finers may weave reason into as fine a web as they please, but the experience of all times shows religion to be the guardian of morals; and he must be a very inattentive observer who cannot perceive, that in our country, avarice is accomplishing the destruction of religion, for want of a legal obligation to contribute something to its support. The declaration of rights, it seems to me, rather contends against forcing modes of faith and forms of worship, in religious matters, than against compelling contribution for the support of religion in general."

To state the opinions of Mr. Lee on these subjects, seemed to be the duty of his biographer; but to discuss the merits of the questions involved in them, belongs to the philosophic historian. The people most

interested then, were no doubt competent to distinguish between the fitness of a proposition and the authority of a name; between the strength and clearness of intellect, and absolute infallibility.

The sovereignty and independence of the United States were now acknowledged by England, and the provisional articles of peace embraced those measures which Mr. Lee had so strenuously supported. The sheathed sword required no longer an arm to wield it, but the deliberative council might still be aided by the voice of experience. Mr. Lee, therefore, willingly accepted the mark of confidence and attachment with which the people of Virginia again honoured him, and took his seat in Congress on the first of November, 1784. The highest office under the old confederation was then vacant, and on the thirtieth of the month a sufficient number of states having assembled, Mr. Lee was raised to the presidential chair. The delegates to Congress were unanimous in their choice; the congratulations of Washington and Samuel Adams were re-echoed by every state in the union, and were well merited by the vigour, zeal and patriotism which the president of Congress exhibited in that high office. Every department of public business shared his attention; his correspondence with ministers and his intercourse with diplomatists of foreign courts, were marked with dignity and republican plainness and sincerity. When his time of service expired, he retired to the bosom of his family, with the satisfaction of having faithfully discharged the trust reposed in

him, having received "the thanks of Congress for his able and faithful discharge of the duties of president, while acting in that station."

Mr. Lee was not a member of the convention which discussed and adopted the federal constitution; but he was strongly opposed to its adoption without amendment; its tendency, he thought, was to consolidation, and he believed that despotism would be the result of subjecting such an extent of country, interests so various, and people so numerous to one national government. He recommended, however, the most cool, collected, full and fair discussion of that all-important subject. "If it be found right (said Mr. Lee) adopt it, if wrong amend it, at all events; for to say that bad governments must be adopted for fear of anarchy, is really saying that we should kill ourselves for fear of dying. But since it is neither prudent nor easy to make frequent changes in government, and as bad governments have been generally found the most fixed, so it becomes of the last importance to frame the first establisment upon grounds the most unexceptionable, and such as the best theories, with experience, justify; not trusting as our new constitution does, and as many approve of doing, to time and future events, to correct errors that both reason and experience in similar cases, now prove to exist in the new system.

The good of his country was the sole motive, and reason the only means of opposition to the adoption of the federal constitution used by Mr. Lee. Fear,

the offspring of force and opinion, seemed to him the only means by which to restrain men; the latter cannot exist without competent knowledge of those who govern, and that knowledge cannot exist in so extensive a country as the United States, so as to support one general government. He was anxious that the confederated states, united for mutual safety and happiness, should contribute to the federal head only such part of their sovereignty as might be necessary for these purposes; but when a majority of the people willed that constitution to be the rule by which they would govern themselves, he thought it his duty to endeavour by every means to establish in the commencement of the government, such a system of precedents as would check the evil tendencies then supposed to exist in the constitution.

As the first senator from Virginia under the new constitution, he proposed several amendments, the adoption of which seemed to him to have lessened the apprehended danger. He continued to hold the honourable and important trust of senator of the United States with great satisfaction to his native state and advantange to his country, till enfeebled health induced him to withdraw from public life, and seek that repose which is so agreeable to declining years, and that enjoyment which a mind like his always receives within the circle of domestic retirement. On the twenty-second of October, 1792, the senate and house of delegates of Virginia unanimously agreed to a vote of thanks, in these words: "Resolved,

VOL. IX.-I

unanimously, that the speaker be desired to convey to Richard Henry Lee, esquire, the respects of the senate; that they sincerely sympathize with him in those infirmities which have deprived their country of his valuable services; and that they ardently wish he may, in his retirement, with uninterrupted happiness close the evening of a life, in which he hath so conspicuously shone forth as a statesman and a patriot; that while mindful of his many exertions to promote the public interests, they are particularly thankful for his conduct as a member of the legislature of the United States."

The preceding sketch may give some idea of the public services of Mr. Lee, but who can depict him in that sphere of which he was the centre? giving light and happiness to all around him, possessing all the enjoyment which springs from virtue, unblemished fame, blooming honours, ardent friendship, elegance of taste, and a highly cultivated mind. His hospitable mansion was open to all; the poor and the distressed frequented it for relief and consolation, the young for instruction, the old for happiness, while a numerous family of children, the offspring of two marriages, clustered around and clung to each other in fond affection, imbibing the wisdom of their father, while they were animated and delighted by the amiable serenity and captivating graces of his conversation. The necessities of his country occasioned frequent absences, but every return to his home was celebrated by the people as a festival; for,