Графични страници
PDF файл
ePub

secure these objects, and the Journals of 1779, which record the votes on this discussion, frequently present him alone, of the Virginia delegation, supporting these rights, as the ultimatum of the United States, in any negotiation. It may not, however, have been from lightly esteeming an interest in which they could not participate, that the representatives of the southern states were ready to abandon the right to the fisheries, and that they refused to demand an entire and free navigation of the Mississippi. The opinions of Washington may have been the sentiments of the majority. He thus writes to Mr. Lee on the subject: "I have ever been of the opinion that the true policy of the Atlantic states would be, instead of contending prematurely for the free navigation of that river, (the Mississippi,) to open and improve the natural communications with the western country, through which the produce of it might be transported with convenience and ease to our markets. And sure I am, there is no other tie by which they, (the inhabitants of the west,) will long form a link in the chain of federal union." Mr. Lee's motives for identifying himself with the interest of the eastern states are also liable to misrepresentation, for at that time he seems to have been dissatisfied with the proceedings of his native state, and to have designed to make Massachusetts the country of his adoption. The following extract from his letter to John Adams, dated October, 1779, gives a statement of his views and the causes which produced his determination. "Independently of the ge

VOL. IX.-H

neral principles of philanthropy, I feel myself interested in the establishment of a wise and free republican government in Massachusetts, where yet I hope to finish the remainder of my days. The hasty, unpersevering, aristocratic genius of the south, suits not my disposition, and is inconsistent with my views of what must constitute social happiness and security." It is difficult to say, under the influence of what feelings Mr. Lee may have written this letter, or whether the state of society before the important and beneficial changes introduced by republican principles, may have justified him in drawing such a picture of his fellow citizens. There seems, however, to have been at that time, some remains of the pomp and luxury, of the pride of family, and haughtiness of manner, which characterized the Virginians before the revolution. That they, whose vigour of manhood was devoted to their country, and whose mental and physical energies were called forth only for her welfare, whose health was impaired and whose fortunes were almost exhausted in so glorious a cause, should seek by retirement, to avoid the painful contrast which the proud humility of such men would form with their virtuous and dignified pride, is consistent with the best feelings of our nature, and may account for the conduct of both Mr. Lee and Mr. Henry.

Whatever may have been the feelings of Mr. Lee, they did not abate his ardour in defence of his country. The enemy had now turned their attention to the southern states, and were carrying on against the

coast of Virginia a predatory and harassing warfare; and Mr. Lee was appointed, as lieutenant of the county, to the command of the militia of Westmoreland. In the field he was as, distinguished for firmness, energy, activity and judgment, as he had been in the councils of the nation, and although none of the counties on the Potomac were more exposed than Westmoreland, his judicious disposal of the troops under his command protected it from the distressing incursions to which the others were subjected. The testimony of Generals Weedon and Greene in favour of the military arrangements for defence made by Mr. Lee, are not more honourable to his fame than the complaints of the enemy," that they could not set foot on Westmoreland without having the militia immediately upon them." Such was the language of Captain Grant, who at that time with a few British schooners and tenders kept possession of the Potomac, and ravaged the counties on both its banks.

The nature of this command prevented any distinguished exploit, yet the frequent skirmishes with the enemy rendered it peculiarly dangerous. On one occasion, in an attempt to seize a tender of the enemy which had been driven ashore, Mr. Lee narrowly escaped; for, while he was rallying his scattered company, which the long guns from the boats of the eneand the small arms of a detachment on shore had thrown into confusion, his attention was so occupied that his horse fell with him amid the broken and insecure ground on the beach, only a few yards from

my

the advance of the British troops. His presence of mind did not forsake him in so untoward an accident, and he was by great skill able to cover the retreat of his little party without considerable loss on his side.

During the years 1780, 1781, 1782, Mr. Lee would not accept a seat in Congress, from a belief that his services in the assembly of his native state would be more profitable to his country; particularly at that time when the establishing of her government, and some of her most important concerns were under consideration. Among these, three subjects were more particularly prominent, and most frequently agitated in the house, the making paper money a legal tender at its nominal value, the payment of British debts, and a capitation tax for the support of the clergy, or as the advocates of the measure called it," a general assessment for the support of the Christian religion."

With respect to the payment of British debts, and the policy of making paper money a legal tender, Mr. Lee was constantly opposed to his friend Patrick Henry, and they both, among the new political characters who had risen high in public estimation, continued to keep their place far in the van. The vivid and interesting comparison of the merits of these great men, at the time of which we treat, is given by a correspondent of the author of the life of Patrick Henry. "I met with Patrick Henry in the assembly in May, 1783; I also then met with Richard Henry Lee. These two gentlemen were the great leaders of the house of delegates, and were almost constantly

opposed: there were many other great men who belonged to that body, but as orators they cannot be named with Henry or Lee. Mr. Lee was a polished gentleman. He had lost the use of one of his hands, but his manner was perfectly graceful, His language was always chaste, and although somewhat too monotonous, his speeches were always pleasing, yet he did not ravish your senses nor carry away your judgment by storm. His was the mediate class of eloquence, described by Rollin in his belles lettres. He was like a beautiful river, meandering through a flowery mead, but which never overflowed its banks. It was Henry who was the mountain torrent, that swept away every thing before it; it was he alone who thundered and lightened, he alone attained that sublime species of eloquence, also mentioned by Rollin."

[ocr errors]

To impede the payment of British debts Mr. Lee thought a violation of all principles of honesty and national honour, and declared, "that it would have been better to have remained the honest slaves of Britain, than become dishonest freemen." He eloquently urged, that to encourage citizens to make light of the faith of contracts, was to undermine the principles of virtue, on which alone republics may His views on the other subjects may be learned from the following quotations: "The vast sums of paper money," he says in a letter to Mr. Jefferson, "that have been issued, (and this being now a tender for the discharge of rents) and the con

rest secure.

« ПредишнаНапред »