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may be convinced, that this is unnecessary and improper, as North America is able, willing and under providence determined to defend, protect and secure itself, the Congress do most earnestly recommend to the several colonies, that a militia be forthwith appointed and well disciplined, and that it be well provided with proper arms." This motion was not carried in the form here given, the manuscript from which it is taken is in the handwriting of Mr. Lee, with the following memorandum superscribed, "A motion made in Congress by Richard Henry Lee to apprize the public of danger, and of the necessity of putting the colonies in a state of defence; a majority had not spirit to adopt it."

Mr. Lee hailed with joy the spirit which pervaded the Suffolk resolutions, and cheered under their sufferings the inhabitants of Boston; with the feelings of a man for whom property, and home, and life, have no allurements, when destitute of that which gives a charm to them all, the possession of liberty, he moved, "that the Congress are of opinion that it is inconsistent with the honour and safety of a free people, to live within the control and exposed to the injuries of a military force, not under the government of the civil power." The moderation of Congress, however, enabled them to see the evils, which had arisen to other governments from too much legislation, hence they rejected Mr. Lee's resolution, believing that it was a subject on which the people of Boston ought to have an unprejudiced choice.

When the first Congress dissolved itself on the twenty-sixth of October, 1774, the impression which remained on the public mind, concerning Richard Henry Lee was, that in him elegance of manners was united with the strictest honour, and unshaken fidelity; that he was proof against temptation; firm, upright and void of ambition; that with great ardour of feeling, the boldness of his spirit was under the curb of reason and discretion.

Not to have returned Mr. Lee to the next assembly of Virginia, in 1775, would have argued in the people of Westmoreland, blindness to their own interest or ignorance of his character: their unanimous suffrage, however, was a grateful tribute to his merit and gave him a renewed opportunity of serving his country. The proposal of Patrick Henry, to arm the militia of the colony, met with opposition in this assembly, but the coldest nature must have been animated, the firmest prejudice moved, even the strongest reason shaken, had reason been in opposition, by the rapid communication of the passion for liberty, through the eloquence of a Henry and a Lee. "Give me liberty, or give me death," the concluding sentiment of the mover of the resolution, rung through the assembly, and the cords of every heart were vibrating in unison; the choice, however, was not made, till his friend and supporter assured them on the faith of holy writ," that the race was not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, and if, (said Mr. Lee,) the

language of genius may be added to inspiration, I will say with our immortal bard,

Thrice is he armed, who hath his quarrel just,
And he but naked, though locked up in steel,
Whose conscience with injustice is oppressed.

They then became impatient of speech, their souls were on fire for action, the motion was carried, and Washington, Henry, and Lee, with others, appointed to prepare the plan called for by the resolution.

The second Congress met on the tenth of May, 1775; to it Mr. Lee was deputed by the convention of his native state, having first received their thanks "for his cheerful undertaking and faithful discharge of the trust reposed in him during the session of the last congress." About this time the fond hope of peace and reconciliation, which the timid had hitherto cherished, fled; and preparation for a vigorous resistance was seriously desired by all. Washington had been called to the command of the armies, by the unanimous voice of Congress; and his commission and instructions were furnished by Mr. Lee, as one of a committee appointed for that purpose. To prepare munitions of war; to encourage the manufacture of saltpetre and arms; to devise a plan for the more rapid communication of intelligence, were all works of vast importance, and the wisdom of Congress availed itself of the knowledge and, intellect of Mr. Lee, by appointing him on each of the committees to carry these measures into effect.

Few memorials of the genius and taste of Mr. Lee, as an orator and a writer, have descended to posterity, but even these are sufficient, to excite regret for the loss of others, and to refute the calumnies, or correct the errors of some, who assert his failure in composition. The second address to the people of Britain, in the name of this Congress, is the production of his pen, and an emblem of his mind; its sentiments are sublime; its style chaste and elegant; its reproaches dignified, and its expostulations fervid. For eloquence and depth of feeling, it is not surpassed by any of the state papers of that period, and well merits the eulogy pronounced on the writings of Congress, by the first Lord Chatham. Speaking in the house of lords, that nobleman thus expressed himself: "when you consider their decency, firmness and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause and wish to make it your own. For myself, I must declare and avow, that in all my reading, and it has been my favourite pursuit, that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, under all the circumstances, no nation or body of men, can stand in preference to the general congress at Philadelphia."

A short recess in the month of August, enabled Mr. Lee to retire to his native state, but not to leisure and repose; for he was present in the assembly, summoned by the royal governor to consider, what were called, the conciliatory propositions of Lord North. These, however, when their sophistry was exposed, were

found to be treacherous as his own false heart, and as unreasonable as insidious. The opinion of Congress was the voice of the colonies, that "they seemed to be held up to the world to deceive it into a belief, that there was nothing in dispute but the mode of levying taxes."

On the thirteenth of September the Congress again met for business. To state the important part, which the subject of this memoir took in the events of this session, would be to record all its acts. To devise ways and means of furnishing the colonies with a naval armament, to consult with the commander in chief, on a plan of military operations, to raise ten millions of dollars for the service of the country, to examine into the execution of continental contracts, and to consider the propriety of establishing a department of war, are a few of the important duties assigned to him by the voice of this assembly.

Already had the clash of arms resounded, and the union of the colonies been cemented, by blood poured out in their common defence: the hosts of Britain had assembled on our shores, and with the timidity of conscious guilt, were invoking help from the Indian and the slave; and the towering navy of England, rode lordly along our coasts, discharging on our unprotected fields, the Hessian swarms. The justice of their cause, and the moderation of their counsels, amid such difficulties, attracted to Congress the sympathy and regard of foreign nations, while yet they knew not the object of the contest. But

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