It is, we repeat, difficult to overestimate the importance of a publication like this. Some short time since it was vaunted by the Times that, because of the publicity of its proceedings, and the presence of reporters exercising their office during the discussion of its measures, there could be nothing alarming in the Synod of Thurles. It is now intimated, with authority, by an organ of the Government, that the Synod was a secret society, that it has published an address, which is to be read "with attention and respect," and that it has passed decrees which "are to be kept secret" until the decision (not of the government but) of a foreign potentate, direct their publication. If the secret decrees are to be judged of by the Address which the Synod was not afraid to publish, there was certainly much to justify suspicion, if not alarm, in the synodical proceedings. When an assembly, in which every individual was bound by an oath of feudal, or more than feudal, obedience to a foreign power, regarded an Address condemnatory of such a scheme as that which the bishops denounced, a document which it was wise to make public, and when they appended to the Address signatures by which they openly and deliberately violated the law of the land, it would not be marvellous if the deliberations which they felt it expedient to conceal, occasioned some feelings of distrust in the government they opposed and insulted.

Further, it is announced in the "memorandum," that of the bishops assembled in synod at Thurles, "there was a majority of one only," but that "all will submit to the decision of the Holy See." The assembly was divided_ there was a majority of one, we may

collect, adverse to the Government and law of Great Britain; in a few weeks more there will be unanimity in the synodal decision; the large minority will, in all probability, adopt the resolutions of what is now the smallest possible majority, and all the bishops of the Church of Rome in Ireland will be arrayed against the Government and the laws; or, if the less unfavourable alternative be chosen, the British Government will owe the mitigation of contumely to the commands of a foreign potentate. A pitiable estate this for a mighty empire-England abased to a dependance on the probability that Pio Nono may have learned, from the contingencies of his own life, wisdom enough to discourage disaffection in his Irish episcopal vassals

"Mirandusque cliens sedet ad præteria reges Donec Bythino libeat vigilare tyranno."

Her Majesty's ministers are guardians of their own honour. To them the indignity may be of light account—

"To show their miseries in foreign lands, Condemned, as needy suppliunts, to wait The tyrant's sentence and the slaves' debate."

But there are interests and duties not their own, upon which their conduct must have an influence, and which it will be baseness unparalleled if they wantonly abandon. The glory of the British crown is at their mercy-is it to be made a sport for the Vatican? Subjects of their royal mistress, if protected in the righteous exercise of their own judgment, will continue well-affected to the laws and to their Queen; and are the Queen's ministers to deny them protection, and tamely stand by while the Pope, if it so pleases "His Holiness," indoctrinates them in treason?

To

It is now some time since we asked the attention of our readers to any publications professedly on the study of political economy. We felt disinclined to devote any portion of our space to works of this nature for many reasons. Many of the subjects with which political economy has to deal are so closely connected with party politics, that it would be hopeless to attempt to do them justice within the few pages which we could devote to them. bring forward and establish, by argument and illustration, every sound proposition; to grapple with and expose every delusive sophism; to note well the exceptions to every general principle, and the reasons why it should be so qualified, and to do all this so conclusively as to overbear the strongest prejudices, would be entirely out of our power. To have done less than this to have attempted the task and failed-would have been most injurious. We rejoice to know that the true principles of political economy have been steadily advancing in the country. They have advanced, as all truth has ever done, and, from the nature of things, must ever continue to do, impeded by much unjust obloquy, by much misapprehension, and by some mistaken support. Yet, notwithstanding the indiscretion of friends, and the rancour and prejudice of opponents, the truths of political economy have daily gained ground, and are now not

ECONOMISTS.*

merely acknowledged by those who have studied the subject for themselves, but have begun to be generally received and adopted by the great mass of mankind who are content to take their opinions from others.

Ire

It would be most unjust thus to notice the rapid diffusion of correct views on the great subjects of national and social interests without acknowledging the source to which it is owing. land owes the diffusion of economical knowledge to the public spirit and liberality of an individual, and he a stranger. The first impetus to the study of political economy in this country was given by Archbishop Whateley. It is now nearly twenty years since he founded, in Trinity College, the professorship of political economy which bears his name.

The

University, adopting the spirit of the founder of the professorship, shortly afterwards instituted annual prizes to encourage the cultivation of the science. The circumstances connected with this professorship, the periodical lectures, the annual examinations, and the competition for the professorship itself (which being tenable but for five years, continually attracts a number of aspirants for the distinction) have mainly occasioned that improved tone of public opinion on this important subject which every one of us must recognise. We observe that the University has recently introduced portions of Adam

VOL. XXXVI.-NO. CCXV.

2 L

Smith's celebrated treatise into the course for ethical moderatorship. We see, too, that each of the newly estab lished Queen's Colleges has its professor of political economy; and we feel confident that, in the course of a very few years, the leading truths of this science will be so generally diffused, that men will forget how first they learned them, and will come to regard them as self-evident.

We feel that we are not over-sanguine in our anticipations, for we know of no subject the leading doctrines of which are so simple, of none in which the application of these principles to the social phenomena with which it is concerned is more easy. Collateral subjects no doubt there aresubjects like banking, currency, and some others that we could enumerate -of which the facts are not as yet sufficiently well established, or understood, to enable us to feel that our conclusions are necessarily true. With regard to such subjects we must be content for some time to acquiesce in results which approach no closer to certainty than a very high degree of probability; we must wait until statistics, the handmaid of political science, shall have given us some surer footing as the basis of our reasoning. But for the greater number of questions with which political economy has to deal, statistics are in no degree requisite. We can determine the bearing of almost every measure, which directly affects the condition of any class of society, whether landlords, capitalists, or labourers, either without the aid of statistics at all, or with such a general knowledge of their results as every one is familiar with. In fact, in so small a compass can the principles of political economy be contained, that if we take up the works of many distinguished political economists, we will find that by much a larger portion of them is devoted to exposing former errors, than to expounding or investigating truth. False notions had sprung up, under the influence of classlegislation; the interests of a section of the community had long been regarded as identical with, or paramount to, that of the whole, and various clumsy devices were adopted by governments to promote the interests of these favourite classes. In a state of society so perverted and unnatural, it was not to be expected that any just views on economical subjects could

present themselves. How, for example, while the ruling classes were all idlers, and the working classes all slaves, is it possible that right notions of the value and dignity of labour could ever have occurred to mankind? When the institutions of society became more in accordance with the principles of human nature, and more favourable to the progress of truth, the influence of a few powerful minds dispelled the mists of former error; and so simple and obvious are the true economical interests of mankind, that we defy any candid mind, on giving any reasonable attention to the subject, to fail in discerning them.

What is now needed is, to disseminate a general knowledge of these interests widely throughout the mass of the population. It is hardly possible to do better service to the country, than is done by the publi cation of such a work as Mr. Burton's. The subject is within the capacity of every intelligent man in the community-the size and price of the volume make it available to all; and the topics on which it treats are those with which we are most intimately concerned, and upon which we are called upon to speak and to act every day of our lives. It is thus only, by the circulation of such works as these, that not only will the evils which might be apprehended from the wide diffusion of political power be obviated, but this increase of power will be converted into positive blessings to society. Educate the people—such should be the watch-word of every one who wishes well to his country; qualify them to judge rightly, and to act. temperately but resolutely in all matters of social interest. They have now acquired power-it is for the educated and influential classes to determine whether this shall become a blessing or a curse to themselves and to the community. By diligent culture it must be converted into the one; neglect it, and it will most certainly degenerate into the other. One thing at least is certainit never can be recalled. The waters were long pent up, and exhibited all the offensive symptoms of stagnation; but now that they have burst their barriers, "riven their concealing continents," they are gone beyond recall, and it is for us to determine whether they shall course madly over the land, or be guided into peaceful fertilising channels.