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ficationand mystification began anew. At twenty yards objects were already three to four times their proper size, and at one hundred yards they were ten times enlarged. I can only leave it at that, humbly supposing the effect to be due to some peculiarity of refraction, through the dry and uniformly heated air. The same thing occurred farther up the khor; for the wild-pig we saw on the bank seemed from the boat to be as large as bullocks-oreatures of nightmare, with snouts like crocodiles', and with a mane of bristles on their shoulders, shaggy and great, almost, as a bison's. Probably they would have diminished into ordinary lean little pigs had we been able to get near them. Distance, on this occasion, certainly lent enchantment enchantment to the view!
The exploration of Khor Bukhader ended, we felt we ought to be moving on. We had already spent a whole fortnight over this one harbour; the weather was getting hotter every day, and there was still the whole coast of
Persia to be examined. I felt, however, that the importance of the discovery of this wonderful deep-water anchorage, far inland, entirely protected from attack from seaward, and having an abundant freshwater supply, easily available by pipeline or otherwise, fully warranted the expenditure of time I had given it. It was, I felt convinced, the only harbour in Persia endowed with so many possibilities; and the good luck in hitting on it could scarcely be repeated throughout the much better-known coast-line that stretched for over four hundred miles southward before me.
The gilt was off the gingerbread at the first mouthful, yet the rest of the cake remained to be eaten, and accordingly we set forth in the little Sphinx next morning, skirting the wide sandy shoals that preclude all approach by ships to the north-eastern part of the head of the Gulf, and so came to Bushire, where we had to make a short stay, in order to get mails, coals, stores, and provisions.
(To be continued.)
BY J. A. STRAHAN.
of them as they passed the clubs-which, no doubt, were associated in their mind with aristocratic indolence and luxury beyond the dreams of opulence - shook their banners menacingly, and glaring up at the grey-haired thin-faced members on the balcony, called out, "Are we Bolshevics? We are." Not unfrequently the accent reminded me of Whitechapel.
On the afternoon of May the 1st I was writing some letters in the drawing-room of my club, when my attention was diverted from my work by the sound of drums without, as is said in Shakespeare's plays. The drumming was so loud that, but for its want of skill, it might have suggested that the massed bands of the Household Brigade were marching past the club-house. I went on the balcony to see what all the noise was about. A long procession of men, women, and children, interspersed with bodies of vigorous if not very musical musicians, was slowly winding its way along Pall Mall towards Hyde Park. I was told, what I should have known, that it represented of us: represented London's contribution to the May Day International Festival of Labour.
With some other members of the olub I remained a little time on the balcony watching the procession drag its slow length along. All the men, women, and children who walked or rode in it wore red rosettes, and many of them carried red banners; without exception they were well dressed and well fed, and few of them appeared to belong to the class of manual labourers; and many of them had features and a complexion which recalled not so much an English an Eastern clime.
From time to time the procession came to a dead stop, so frequently indeed as to suggest that neither the marchers nor the organisers of the march had seen much service in the late war. It was during one of these stops that an incident occurred which surprised some of us: a detachment of this procession of Englishmen began in the middle of Waterloo Place to sing an anti-English song, "God Save Ireland." Moreover, it was received by the English processionists with applause: the English spectators of the procession maintained a silence which could be heard.
This anti-English demonstration in the centre of the capital of England was applauded by the English processionists. I wonder what would happen to men who, in an Irish procession, made an antiIrish demonstration in the centre of the capital of Ireland? Well, perhaps it is not neces
sary to wonder: only a few weeks ago a party of the King's soldiers was stoned in Dublin for singing "God save "God save the King."
This incident put me on inquiry, as the lawyers say. I was already fairly familiar with the views of the revolutionaries in Ireland, and a short investigation soon lightened me as to the views of the revolutionaries in England. In some respects they are as opposite as the poles, In Ireland the revolutionary party is nationalist and communist; in England communist and anti-nationalist. This I cannot but think is a comforting fact, for it ensures in the end the defeat of both parties. In my opinion the association of anti-nationalism with revolutionary communism in England must sooner or later result in the repudiation of communism, as the bulk of Englishmen loathe anti-nationalism; and the association of communism with revolutionary nationalism in Ireland must sooner or later result in the repudiation of nationalism, as the bulk of Irishmen loathe communism. -Each movement thus carries within itself the poison which will ultimately cause its dissolution.
You have only to read one of his papers, or listen to one of his orators, to discover that the English revolutionary is scarcely so much Bolshevist as anti- British. Indeed, his leaders, if they were candid, might proclaim, as Mr de Valera, the leader of the Sinn
Feiners, does, that every enemy of England is a friend of theirs. Whatever mishap or dispute occurs in any part of the world, the villain of the piece is, in their eyes, always either an Englishman or an ally of England. The unpunished murders of policemen in Ireland, and the abandonment of Ulstermen to the tender mercies of the murderers, are regarded by them with indifference, because both policemen and Ulstermen are loyal to their country; but when a suspected Sinn Feiner is exeouted by suspicious Sein Feiners, they eagerly accept the lie of the disloyalists that he was murdered by the police; and when a disloyalist suspected, or pected, or even convicted of outrage or crime, threatens to commit suicide by self-starvation in prison, they shed enough tears over English brutality to float a ship. And it is the same wherever there exists disloyalty or disturbance in the Empire: it is a crime on the part of an Englishman to protect himself, or to preserve the peace. A louder lamentation has been raised by them over the riots Amritsar than they ever raised over the desolation of Louvain. The one point which, strange to say, I have found none of them drawing any attention to in that connection, is that of the five men on whom the Indian nationalists are calling down vengeance, at least three are IrishmenGeneral Dyer, the principal villain, Sir Michael O'Dwyer, and Colonel O'Brien,
Now the difficult thing to ing must be found in the explain is how this anti- influence which, since the time English feeling arose: there of Fergus O'Connor, the Irish seems no necessary antipathy Celt has wielded over all adbetween love of one's own vanced movements in Great country and the cherishing Britain, of advanced opinions as to the mode in which it should be governed, or in which its property should be owned. The French Revolutionists of the eighteenth century held as advanced views on these points as do our British Bolshevics, but they were above all and everything devoted to La France. I can understand the internationalism of the Bolshevios abroad, for they are to a large extent under the leadership of Jews and the influence of Jewish thought.
So far as the lower-class Jew, at any rate, is concerned, his nationality is not territorial, but tribal: not loyalty to the State in which he lives, but loyalty to a race which lives in many States. When, then, he ceases to regard himself as one of the chosen people, he is apt to regard himself as a citizen of the world. It is only natural, then, that a movement largely directed by denationalised lower-class Jews should be international in its character.
The sympathy then between the English and Continental Communists might account for a leaning among the former towards internationalism; but it cannot account for their leaning towards antinationalism. I myself think that the cause of that lean
Though unlike the Jew in the fact that the Celtic Irishman has a country of his own, the nationalism of the Irish workman and peasant is still, like that of the lower-class Jew, tribal in its character: it consists not of loyalty to the land in which he lives, but in loyalty to the race from which he springs. That race, like the Jewish, is now scattered over a large part of. the world, and it so happens that the part of the world over which it is scattered is chiefly inhabited by a people alien in blood and religion from it. In the eighteenth century it was otherwise. Then such emigration as there was from Celtic Ireland was to Latin and Catholic countries, -France, Spain, and South America,-and in these congenial communities the Irish emigrant was soon absorbed in the general population. The famous Irish Brigade in the service of France, though repeatedly reinforced by "wild geese" from the shores Clare and Kerry, had by the time of the French Revolution practically not a man in it who called himself Irish, save a few of the officers, who remembered their confiscated lands in Ireland, and hoped vaguely some day to regain them. In the nineteenth century the tremendous emigration from Celtic Ireland
was on the other hand almost dren, even to the third and exclusively to Anglo-Saxon and Protestant countries Great Britain, North America, and Australia. In these countries the Irish emigrant has not been absorbed in the general population. He lives in his own districts, does not intermarry with his neighbours, and continues to cherish the religion, traditions, and prejudices of his race, One of his traditions is that his race was robbed and oppressed by the upper classes, and this inolines him to join all movements directed against aristoeracy and wealth; and one of his prejudices is a hereditary hatred of England and everything English, and this inclines him to use all his influence over every movement which he joins to give it an antiBritish bias, whether that movement is in a foreign State or a British colony or in Great Britain herself.
It is this which makes the Celtic Irishman a bad citizen wherever he goes. An Englishman, or Sootsman, or Ulsterman, all of whom are primarily what I may call territorial nationalists, when he leaves his old home and settles in a new one, though he still retains an unforgettable affection for the land of his birth, recognises that his first duty is to the land of his adoption. He identifies himself with it, and often he himself and always his descendants become indistinguishable in opinions and feelings from their neighbours. But the Celtic Irishman and his chil
fourth generations, continue Celtic Irishmen, entertaining the same memories of an evil past, and the same hatreds which those memories gender, and constantly intriguing to gratify those hatreds rather than thinking of the interests of their new home. It is this which led them in an English procession having nothing to do with Ireland to sing an anti-English song, and it is this which leads them at present to endeavour to embitter the relations between England and her eldest daughter, the United States of America. The Angle-Saxon, whether living at home or in America, is, as Lord Morris said, a long-suffering race; but there is a limit even to its endurance. When the Irish contingent on May Day sang that anti-English song, the English spectators, as I have said, heard it in silence; but when anti-English demonstrations before Wormwood Scrubbs Prison became nightly ceremonies, they grew tired and quickly put an end to them. And I have a doubt whether the Americans will tolerate their practices in the United States much longer. It is not such a long time since severe measures-sometimes perhaps