But the people* kept themselves ftill, and were fo alarmed, that every one regarded it as clear advantage if he underwent no injury, though he had uttered nothing: and as they thought the confpirators more numerous than they were, their minds funk into defpondency. Nor could they trace the truth by reason of the magnitude of the city, and their ignorance of each other. For this reafon it was impoffible "for any one to vent his lamentations to another, with any "view of conspiring for vengeance; fince either he must ad"drefs himself to a ftranger, or to one known but not to be

trufted. For all the people, without exception, looked upon "each other with fufpicion, as perhaps involved in the prefent tranfactions. For there were among the faction for the oli"garchy, fome whom no one ever could have expected to be"hold upon that fide,+ by which the mutual diffidence of all

was carried to the utmost: and the oligarchy was defended by the complete diftruft, that every where prevailed among the "People, of each other."

That all this might have happened here, mutatis mutandis, at the close of the preceding year, is what every one then felt and knew. Nay, in fome degree, it had already taken place. That the corruption of French opinions had seized some minds, had been made known in the most daring manner by the perfons themselves, whofe furprising confidence was naturally fuppofed to be occafioned by their fecret knowledge of their ftrength. How many might be tainted it was impoffible to tell; prefent fuccefs is known to have a powerful influence on many, and the French were then fuperior to their enemies. Every man began already to regard his neighbour with fome doubt, and the confidence of fociety was in part impaired. To Mr. Reeves, therefore, and his affociates at the Crown and Anchor, who, fo judicioufly beginning what was wifhed throughout the kingdom, led us to the full restoration of that happy and neceffary confidence, too much of public gratitude cannot easily be expreffed. While they may, on the other hand, felicitate themselves on having had the opportunity of rendering a fervice greater than can often be performed. The affociations taught the loyal, the friends of real freedom, where to find each other. They evinced the great fuperiority of their numbers to that of the innovating faction; and as foon as that was perceived, the alarm subsided so entirely, that when the parlia

ment affemb'ed, it had become juft poffible to affert, that no alarm had happened, but from the meafures of the government.

After the first fervice of enrolling the names of those who fhould be willing to expend their fortunes and their lives in defence of our moft happy conftitution; the affociations endeavoured to take other means of doing good and as it was known that great efforts had been made to circulate feditious papers throughout the nation, in this refpect alfo they determined to turn the weapons of the factious against themselves. In this ufeful effort no affociation, that we know of, made any progrefs equal to that of the fociety at the Crown and Anchor; and we are happy to fee collected, in one volume, the whole of their proceedings and their publications. That the latter fhould all be fuch as to abide the test of criticism is by no means neceffary; they were calculated for a particular purpose, which, if they performed, they did their duty; they were addreffed to the feelings and understandings of the people, with which if they fo far accorded, and were fo proportioned, as to contribute to revive the general fpirit of loyalty, they are perfect in their kind.

The book before us confifts, as its title-page announces, of of two principal divifions. Of publications especially adopted and recommended by the fociety; and of lighter tracts printed at their expence, and circulated in the hope of doing good; but without the fame degree of fanction. In the former part, we find the most important public papers that the occafion produced. The charges delivered by Mr. Juftice Afhhurft, Mr. Juftice Buller, Lord Radnor, and Mr. Mainwaring; the speech of Lord Loughborough on the Alien Bill, and that of the Lord Prefident of the Seffion at Edinburgh; extracts from Dr. Vincent's Sermon; the whole of Mr. Bowles's Protest against Paine's Rights of Man; with many documents collected from hiftory, and from former writers, tending to demonftrate the ill effects of republican principles. Among the tracts, we find our old acquaintance Thomas Bull, the fubject of fo much animadverfion, and the author of fo much good; that very happy effufion of a celebrated female pen, the Village Politics, with many others of lefs name, but fimilarly calculated to addrefs the people, in a manner they were likely to relish and to comprehend, for the purpose of inftilling the best principles. With the fame view, as the Preface tells us, ballads are fubjoined to many of the tracts. The circulation of these papers, in their feparate fheets, has, we understand, been very confiderable; and now, in a more fubftantial form, they claim the attention of those, who may think fuch monuments of temporary circumftances deferving of prefervation.

A well written and judicious preface enters, in fome measure,

into the circumstances of the time which gave occafion to thefe papers, and explains fome facts concerning which the public has not been fufficiently informed. Among thefe is one very honourable to the individuals compofing the affociation at the Crown and Anchor, their perfect independence of all minifterial fuggeftion or influence..

"When a Society has been formed for preferving that which the whole Nation have followed them in declaring they will preferve with their lives, it feems of little moment to afcertain from what perfons fuch a Society originated, unlefs, indeed, it may be from an honourable defire of doing juftice to its authors. But the origin of this Society has been fcrutinized with a very different view. The prefent opportunity may fairly be taken to lay this fpeculation at rest, if rest can be obtained from the unceafing importunity of faction and party.

"It is due to the Society, to the Ministry, and to the Public, to make this declaration-That none of the King's Minifters knew or heard of this Affociation, till they faw the first advertisement in the public prints. It was planned without their knowledge, and has been conducted to the prefent moment without their aid. It has received no money but fuch as is noticed in the subscription-books, which are open to inspection; and there it will be feen, that the Officers of Government contributed little to an undertaking, where they were, however, interefted as individuals, not less than others of his Majefty's fubjects. So entirely independent has this Society been of Minifterial fupport!

"The truth is, there never was a time when all perfons were fo completely independent of the existing Administration, as that anxious moment. A much more serious ftruggle prefented itself, than whether this or that man fhould be Minifter; it was a queftion of-Government or no Government. Licentioufnefs and fedition had got to fuch a head, that treafon and rebellion feemed to be the ftronger fide, where the ambitious might find promotion, and the bafe find fhelter;, thofe only who were above mean and perfonal confiderations had the fortitude to ftand on the fide of the Ministry; they did this, because the Miniftry and the Conftitution were at that moment the fame.

"Moft certainly, the Minister had no more to do in the formation of this Affociation, than of the two thousand and more, that were formed in other parts of the kingdom. They were all of them the voluntary movements of perfons, who thought it a crifis in which the Country fhould declare itself, and ftrengthen the hands of Government, for the prefervation of the King and the Conftitution. When the Nation had thus plainly declared its apprehenfion for our Laws and Liberty, the Government could not do otherwife than concert measures for their preservation. Hence the calling out of the Militia-the affembling of Parliament-the proceedings againft feditious perfons and writings. All these measures have been called for or approved by the Nation, as neceffary for its fafety, both public and private."

On the fubject of the alarm alfo, we find the following ju dicious remarks:

But the caufe of the alarm was well known. It was known, that perfons of a certain defcription had conceived hopes of introducing into this country French principles of Liberty and Equality; that Clubs were formed for propagating these principles; that Addreffes were prefented to the National Convention, announcing thr profpect of a fimilar Revolution in this kingdom; that the perfons prefenting thefe Addreffes were applauded and encouraged in their treafonable projects by the Convention; that Emiffaries were paid by France to ftir up fedition, and Engineers fent to affift in military operations; that a revolt was planned for the beginning of December, when the Tower was to have been feized: the agents in thefe defigns, whether French or English, were likewife known.

"While rebellion was thus plotted in concert with France, it is well known what arts were practifed to foment it at home. The prefs daily produced malevolent writings, in which the Conftitution was calumniated, and every fanction of Society was attacked; all ranks, but more especially the lower, were inflamed by infinuations of grie vances the foldiers and feamen were tempted from their duty; the artifans and labourers were made diffatisfied with their ftate of honeft industry; all were inftructed to regard the prefent Establishment as an oppreffion, and excited to follow the example of France in setting up Equality of Ranks, and Liberty without any bounds. The promoters of these feditious doctrines took courage from the fuccessful enterprises of the Ufurpers in France, and boldly threatened us with the fupport and co-operation of the natural enemy to this country, which had now become the declared enemy to all Governments not formed like its own.

"All this was well known; and will any one fay it was not caufe for alarm, when it had actually produced fuch an alarm as had never before been felt in this country? The general notoriety of a fact, which all men knew, was ground enough for that which all men wifhed. The Government had fufficient teftimony on which to found their proceedings, if no other had offered; but the united voice of the Affociations conftituted a body of evidence, which fuperfeded all need of proof. The Government did not move till the crifis was complete, and the Country was prepared to justify them in all they did; and the fuccefs with which they were enabled to restore quiet to the country on that occafion, will add a fplendid paffage to the hiftory of the prefent Administration, which has had the fingular felicity of uniting good fortune to unwearied endeavours for the public welfare."

Prefixed to the publications we find the proceedings of the fociety, in which they who can find any thing to reprehend, must be more acute than we are; and though we do not praise affociations, as fuch, nor any extraordinary measures unknown to the constitution, yet, as future exigencies are ftill uncertain, we are happy to find that the loyal affociations, conducted as

they

they have been, with temper, judgment, and a strict attention to the laws, profefs themselves ready to" renew all their vigour, whenever the public fafety fhall require it."

ART. XV. The Hiftory of Ancient Europe; with a View of the Revolutions in Afia and Africa. In a Series of Letters to a young Nobleman. By William Ruffel, LL. D. Author of the Hiftory of Modern Europe. 8vo, 2 vols. 10s. Robinsons.

0°

[ Concluded from No. III. page 247. ]

UR author having, in his fecond volume, pretty nearly loft fight of the Jews, does not much obtrude his peculiar fentiments on the fubject of the Sacred Hiftory. One curious hypothefis, indeed, he starts concerning the Prophecies, which, as it rests upon no thadow of proof, deferves no refutation. He quotes the Prophets, in his notes, as hiftorical testimony; not because he believes them to have been truly Prophets, beware, gentle reader, of fuppofing that! but because he thinks that many of their predictions led to their own completion, by cauling the very acts they foretold," and what their political fagacity did not exactly forefee, their fubfequent information enabled them to correct; and confequently to give to their writ ten prophecies hiftorical accuracy.' This is what he prefumes will fatisfy certain fevere thinkers, who might otherwife object to the citation of those writings as hiftorical evidence, But thinkers must be rather free or careless, than fevere, who will take mere affertion for proof, and the unfupported conjecture of a modern against the certain knowledge of ancient Jews. We ourselves profefs to be much too fevere thinkers, to wafte our time on any thing fo perfectly weak as all that is alledged, in these paffages at the beginning of the fecond volume.

دو

To difmifs this part of our talk, and proceed with that which is more pleafing, the examination of the conduct of the hiftory. We find the fubjects of it thus diftributed throughout the fecond Volume. Letter the 9th, contains the view of Alia and Africa, to the capture of Babylon by Cyrus, with a retrospect of Syria and Egypt. Letter the 10th, continues the fame subject, to the acceffion of Darius, fon of Hyftafpes. The 11th, 12th, and 13th letters, contain the hiftory of the Perfians and Greeks, as connected by their long and bloody wars, from the reign of Darius, to the expulfion of the Perfians from Europe, by the battles of Platææ and Mycale. The fourteenth letter Continues the hiftory of Greece in general, and its dependencies, 10 the commencement of the Peloponnefian war; and the 15th carries

Hh 3