made. When a citizen with much trouble has col., ed since 1832. We have done so unsuccessfully.

lected what is land-office money to-day, he may find to-morrow it is changed, or, at the moment of carry. ing it to the land-office, he may find it rejected, and himself thrown upon the tender mercies of a shaver to procure, at a new sacrifice, what the receiver can accept. Since the adoption of the amendment, which he had the honor to offer, restricting the use of paper in payment from the Government, it followed, as a necessary consequence, that there must be corresponding restrictions upon the receipt of it. That amendment made four important improvements in the federal use of paper money: 1. In prohibiting, forthwith, the use of notes of less than ten dollars in all payments from the Federal Government or the Post Office: 2. In prohibiting the use of notes of less than twenty dollars in such payments from the 3d of March next: 3. In prohibiting the use in like payments, of all notes whatever, which were issued at one place and made payable at another: 4. In prohibiting the use of all notes, in such payments, which were not equivalent to specie at the place where offered in pay. ment, and convertible into gold or silver on the spot at the will of the holder, and without loss or delay to him. Under these enactments Mr. B. considered the Federal Goverment and the Post Office as virtually confined to specie payments; they will have then to confine themselves to specie receipts. Whether Congress made a further enactment or not, the Treasury and the Postmaster General would have to impose restrictions upon the receipt of paper corresponding with the restrictions upon the payments in it. He (Mr. B.) was certain that the payments upon the Western frontier must be made in specie. There was not a bank note in the United States which could be offered in the West. There was not one which would come under the restrictions which the enactment imposed. The effect of the enactment was to prevent bank notes from being offered in payment except at the place where the bank was situated which had issued it. Such was the effect of the enactment, and such was its intention; for it was intended to lay the foundation for completely breaking up paper money as a national currency; for completely cutting off paper from the Federal Government; for completely returning to the currency of the Constitution for the Federal Government; in a word, for re-establishing the gold currency! which never could be done it the Federal Government continued to receive and pay out paper

money.

Mr. B. considered the proposition which he had made, as another step towards the consummation of the great object of securing to the People a specie currency. It would effectually accomplish that purpose for the new States, and the extension of the same provision to the custom houses and post offices would secure a specie currency to the old States. Whether his proposition became law or not, it must take effect. The Secretary of the Treasury would have to do by regulation what he proposed that Congress should do by law. The obligation to pay out in hard money in. volves the necessity to receive in hard money; and he was only anxious about his proposition as he preferred stability to change, legislation to regulation, and the will of Congress to the will of the deposite banks, or of a Secretary of the Treasury.

Mr. WEBSTER said that he and those who acted with him would be justified in taking no active course in regard to this resolution, in sitting still, suppress ing their surprise and astonishment if they could; and letting these schemes and projects take the form of suclı laws as their projectors might propose.

We are powerless now, and can do nothing. All these measures affecting the currency of the country and the security of the public treasure we have resist

We struggled for the recharter of the Bank of the U. Sates in 1832. The utility of such an institution had been proved by forty years' experience. We struggled against the removal of the deposites. The act, as we thought, wasa direct usurpation of power. We strove against the experiment, and all in vain. Our opinions were disregarded, our warnings neglected, and we are now in no degree responsible for the mischiefs which are but too likely to ensue.

Who (said Mr. W.) will look with the perception of an intelligent, and the candour of an honest man, upon the present condition of our finances and currency, and say that this want of credit and confidence, which is so general, and which, it is possible, may, ere long, overspread the land with bankruptcies and distress, has not flowed directly from those mea sures the adoption of which we so strenuously resisted, and the folly of which men of all parties, however reluctantly, will soon be brought to acknowledge? The truth of this assertion was palpable and resistless.

What, sir, are the precise evils under which the fi. nances of the Government and, he believed, of the country now suffer? They are obviously two: The superabundance of the Treasury, and its insecurity. We have more money than we need, and that money, not being in custody under any law, and being in hands over which we have no control, is threatened with danger. Now, sir, is it not manifest that these evils flow directly from measures of Government which some of us have zealously resisted? May not each be traced to its distinct source? There would have been no surplus in the Treasury, but for the veto of the land bill, so called, of 1833. This is certain. And as to the security of the public money, it would have been, at this moment, entirely safe, but for the veto of the act continuing the Bank charter. Both these measures had received the sanction of Congress, by clear and large majorities. They were both negatived; the reign of experiments, schemes, and projects commenced, and here we are. Every thing that is now amiss in our financial concerns is the direct consequence of extraordinary exercises of Executive authority. This assertion does not rest on general reasoning. Facts prove it. One veto has deprived the Government of a safe custody for the public money, and another veto had caused their present augmentation.

What, sir, are the evils which are distracting our financial operation? They are obviously two. The public money was not safe; it was protected by no law. The treasury was overflowing. There was more money than we needed. The currency was unsound. Credit had been diminished and confidence destroyed. And what did these two evils, the insecurity of the public money and its abundance, result from? They referred directly back to the two celebrated experiments; the veto of the bank bill, followed by the removal of the deposites, and the rejection of the land bill. No man doubted that the public money would have remained safe in the Bank of the United States, it the executive veto of 1832 had not disturbed it.

It was that veto, also, which, by discontinuing the National Bank, removed the great and salutary check to the immoderate issue of paper money, and encou raged the creation of so many State banks. This was another of the products of that veto. This is as plain as that. The rejection of the land bill of 1833, by depriving the country of a proper, necessary, and equal distribution of the surplus fund, had produced this redundancy in the Treasury. If the wisdom of Congress had been trusted, the country would not have been plunged into its present difficulties. They devised the only means by which the peace and pros

fice would send it back again by the return carriage, and thus create the useless expense of transportation.

perity of the People could have been secured. They | gold by bills on the Eastern cities; it would go across passed the Bank charter; it was negatived. They the country in panniers or waggons: the Land Ofpassed the land bill, and it met the same fate. This extraordinary exercise of power, in these two instances, has produced an exactly corresponding mischief in each case, upon the subjects to which it was applied. Its application to the bill providing for the recharter of the Bank of the United States has been followed by the present insecurity of the public treasure, and a su perabundance of money not wanted, has been the consequence of its application to the land bill.

He had from the very first looked upon all these schemes as totally idle and illusory; not in accordance with the practice of other nations or suited to our own policy, or our own active condition. But the effect of this resolution: what would it be? Let them try it. Let them go on. Let them add to the catalogue of projects. Let them cause every man in the West, who has a five dollar bank note in his pocket, to set off, post haste, to the bank, lest somebody else should get there before, and get out all the money, and then buy land. How long would the western banks stand this? Yet, if the gentlemen please, let them go on. I shall dissent; I shall protest; I shall speak my opinions; but I shall still say, go on, gentlemen, and let us see the upshot of your experimental policy.

The country (continued Mr. W.) is the victim of schemes, projects, and reckless experiments. We are wiser, or we think ourselves so, than those who have gone before us. Experience cannot teach us. We cannot let well enough alone. The experience of forty years was insufficient to settle the question whether a national bank was useful or not; and forty years' practice of the Government could not decide whether it was constitutional or not. And it is worthy of all consideration, that undue power has been claimed by the Executive. One thing is certain, and that is, there has been a constant and corresponding endeavour to diminish the constitutional power of Congress. The bank charter was negatived, because Congress had no power under the Constitution to grant it; and yet, though Congress had no authority to create a national bank, the Executive at once exercised the power to select and appoint as many banks as he pleased, and to place the public moneys in their yet the State issue paper as a substitute for coin, and hands on just such terms and conditions as he pleased. Congress is not supposed to be able to regulate, conThere is not a more palpable evidence of the control, or redeem it. We have the sole power over the

stant bias of this Government to a wrong tendency, than this continued attempt to make legislative power yield to that of the Executive. The restriction of the just authority of Congress is followed in every case by the increase of the power of the Executive. What was it that caused the destruction of the United States Bank, and put the whole moneyed power of the country into the hands of one man? Constitutional doubts of the power of Congress! What has produced this superabundance of money in the treasury? Constitutional doubts of the power of Congress! In the whole history of this Administration, doctrines had obtained, whose direct tendency was to detract from the settled and long practised power of Congress, and to give, in full measure, hand over hand, every thing into the control of the Executive. Did gentlemen wish him to exemplify the truth of this? Let them look at the bank bill, the land bill, and the various bills which have been negatived, respecting internal im

provements.

Gentlemen now speak of returning to a specie basis. Did any man suppose it practical? The resolution, now under consideration, contemplated that, after the current year, all payments for the public lands were to be made in specie. Now, if he (Mr. W.) had brought torward a proposition like this, he would at once have been accused of being opposed to the settlement of the new States. It would have been urged that speculators and capitalists could easily carry gold and silver to the West, by sea or land, while the cultivator, who wished to purchase a small farm, would be compelled to give the former his own price for the land, because he could not visit large cities, or other places where it was to be found, and procure the specie.-These arguments would have met him, he was sure, had he introduced a measure like this. If specie payments were to be made for public dues, he should suppose it best to begin with the customs, which were payable in large cities, where gold and silver could be more easily procured than on the frontiers. But whether from speculators, or settlers, what were the use of these specie payments? the money was drag. ged over the mountain to be dragged back again: that was all. The purchasers of public lands would buy

The currency of the country was, to a great degree, in the power of all the banking companies in the great cities. He was as much opposed to the increase of these institutions; but the evil had begun, and could not be resisted. What one State does, another will do also. Danger and misfortunes appear to be threatening the currency of the country; and although the Constitution gives the control over it to Congress, yet Congress is allowed to do nothing.... Congress, and not the States, had the coining power

currency; but we possess no means of exercising that power. Congress can create no bank, regulated by law, but the Executive can appoint twenty or fifty banks, without any law whatever. A very peculiar state of things exists in this country at this moment ---a country in the highest state of prosperity; more bountifully blest by Providence in all things than any other nation on earth, and yet in the midst of great pecuniary distress, its finances deranged, and an increasing want of confidence felt in its circulation. But the experiment was to cure all this. A few select and favorite banks were to give us a secure currency, one better and more practically beneficial than that of the United States Bank. And here is the result, or rather, to use the expression of Monsieur Talleyrand, here is "the beginning of the end."

We were told that these banks would do as well, if not a great deal better, for all the purposes of exchange, than the United States Bank; that they could negotiate as cheaply and with as much safety; and yet the rate is now one and a half, if not two per cent. between Cincinnati and New York. Indeed, exchanges are all deranged, and in confusion. Some times they are at high rates, both ways, between two points. Looking, then, to the state of the currency, the insecurity of the public money, and the rates of exchange, let me ask any honest and intelligent man, of whatever party, what has been the result of these experiments? Does any gentleman still doubt? Let him look to the discloures made by the circular of one of the deposit banks of Ohio, which was read by an honorable Senator here a day or two since. That bank would not receive the notes of the specie-paying banks of that State from the Land Office, as I understand the circular, or, at any rate, it tells the Land Office that it will not. Here are thirty or forty specie-paying banks in Ohio, all of good credit, and out of the whole number three were to be selected, entitled to no more confidence than the others whose notes were to be taken for public lands. If gentlemen from the West and Southwest are satisfied with this arrangement, I certainly commend greatly their quiescent temperament.

As he said in the commencement of his remarks, he knew of nothing he could do in regard to the resolution, except to sit still and see how far gentlemen would go, and what this state of things would end in. Here was this vast surplus revenue under no control whatever, and, from appearances, though the session was nearly over, likely to remain so. Two measures of the highest importance had been proposed: one to diminish this fund; another to secure its safety. He wished to understand, and the country to know, whether any thing was to be done with either of these propositions. For his own part, he believed that a national bank was the only security for the national treasure; but, as there was no such institution, a more extended use should be made of this treasure, and in its distribution no preference should be given, as was the fact in the instance of the banks of Ohio, to which he had just alluded. In some way or other this fund must be distributed. It is absolutely necessary. The provisions of the Land bill seemed to him eminently calculated to effect this project; but if that measure should not be adopted, he would give his vote to any proper and equitable measure which might be brought forward, let it come from what quarter it might. In all probability, there would be a diminution in the amount of land sales for some time to come. The purchases of the last year, he supposed, had exceeded the demands of emigration. They were made by speculators for the purpose of holding up lands for increased prices. The spirit of speculation, indeed, seemed to be very much directed to the acquisition of the public lands. He could not say what would be the further progress, or where the end, of these things; but he thought one thing quite clear, and that was, that the existing surplus ought to be distributed.

But what gives it a superior character of inherent dignity and genuine enjoyment, is the religious es. sence peculiar to it; the vein of duty which pervades it; the consciousness of those who are suddenly allied in it, that they have adopted a tie hallowed by divine sanction, and are fulfilling one of the noblest ends of existence.

The ecstacies of courtship are dashed by tears, jealousies, misapprehensions, which are unknown to wedded partners of sound minds and affectionate hearts:-With them, all is trust and security; their faith is beyond the sphere of temptation or accident; their adversity, if misfortunes come, has consolations derived from the most exalted sources; from the invisible and holy world, as well as the present chequered scene of human action.

The qualified worship of an excellent fellow-being, natural and delightful as it is, involves something more rational and elevated, when the object is a wife or husband, than when it refers to a mere mistress or lover. In the first case, it associates itself with duty, and im. plies an esteem the more proper and grateful as accompanied by intimate knowledge.

In proportion, however, as marriage is of a sacred and permanent nature, producing weighty obligations and liable to special and severe cares or calamities, ought it to be cautiously, and deliberately, and piously contracted. It is not to be viewed or anticipated as a merely halcyon career, rich as it often is in smiling prospects and auspicious events, and serene as it may be rendered in all that the human creature can control. A childish penchant, a calculation of convenience, a momentary caprice, form no warrant for it; though they be so frequently the only incentives. Such a bond requires matured and discriminating at

He repeated, that he intended no detailed opposi-tachment; comprehension of its good and evil; resig

tion to the measure now before the Senate; and had he been in his seat, he should not have opposed the amendment to the pension bill. Let the experiments, one and all, have their course. He should do nothing except to vote against all these visionary projects, until the country should become convinced that a sound currency, and with it a general security for property, and the earnings of honest labor, were things of too much importance to be sacrificed to mere projects, whether political or financial.

WEDDED LOVE.

BY ROBERT WALSH.

We have somewhere seen the doctrine that love in the state of courtship is the true beatitude of this life; and to be desired, beyond any other fond relation even for a thousand years! The writer of those opinions could not have been married, or, at least, not experienced a wedlock even commonly fortunate, otherwise, his own happiness would have taught him a different and juster theory.

In the conjugal union, love may lose some of its vivacity; it may be less vehement or rapturous; and the imagination, which, during courtship, commonly feeds, as it were, on nectar and ambrosia, and sports on a bed of roses, -may become comparatively inert and sterile; but the pleasures of pure, intense sentiment, and boundless, mutual confidence, and the excitement of virtuous and tender hope, are infinitely multiplied.

Lord Verulam has truly said that marriage halves griefs and doubles joy. It combines, in tact, and transfuses existence for each party; it blends and identifies souls, so as to render common to them their several susceptibilities of gratification and refinement; it creates new energies, and generous sympathies; new objects of endearment and reliance; numberless reflected and reciprocated fervours of regard and respect.

nation to all the chances. But he or she who has the right intelligence, feeling, and opportunity, and yet avoids it, yielding to selfishness or cowardice, sins against the designs of Providence, and loses the final rewards of courageous and successful trial.

It was a favourite remark of Lord Lyttleton, the younger, that marriage is a lottery, and that, of course, it is as preposterous to rejoice at a wedding, as it would be to exult in purchasing a ticket for the Statewheel.

According to the same questionable authority, all epithalamiums are, therefore, at least premature in their usual strain: the adventurer in the connubial scheme should ascertain that he has drawn a prize, before he indulges himself in self-gratulation, or wel. comes the greeting of his friends. The analogy is not, however, exact-because it is in the power of the bridal parties to determine their own fate, in a ma. terial degree. Life itself might be equally styled a lottery, looking to the diversity of its chances and the incertitude of its incidents; but it is, nevertheless, a positive blessing with well constituted minds and healthful trames. So, likewise, is marriage, which should be undertaken as life is accepted, with stronger expectation of weal than wo;-with bright visions and cheerful resolutions; but, also with a spirit of philosophical or christian submission to whatever Providence may ordain to its course. The Greeks made Hymen descend from Apollo, Urania, or Calliope. This origin from the fountain of harmony and light, and the two noblest of the muses, illustrates or shadows from the true character of the espousals over which the garlanded god waves his never-dying toren, and sheds his celestial influence.

Amidst the greatest worldly prosperity, the state of the mind of a man who is haunted with the horrors of a guilty conscience, or with envy, jealousy, malice and other evil passions, may make him completely miserable.