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against philosophy by the modern disciples of steady habits, induced me to dwell more in showing its effect with the Indians than the subject otherwise justified."

In the interval between his inauguration and the meeting of Congress in December, he twice sought relief from the cares and labours of his station by visiting Virginia. He devoted a portion of the time he there spent to his miscellaneous correspondence, which was very various and extensive. In his last visit, in the autumn, he extended his journey to Poplar Forest, where he had a large tobacco plantation. But a superintendence so partial, and so frequently intermitted, was not likely to counteract the disadvantage incident to every estate worked by slaves, on which the owner does not reside; and this part of his property, whence his chief income was derived, and which ought to have been profitable, seldom yielded him much. In a year of bad crops, or low prices, the consequent deficiency was supplied by a sale of part of the land itself, and in this way several portions were detached to make snug farms for more thrifty neighbours. But though he seldom found much here to reward his efforts or encourage his prospects in husbandry, he was surrounded by his grandchildren, and in their society he seemed to be completely happy.

He returned to Washington in October; and perhaps he never felt so forcibly the transition from rural quiet and the pure pleasures of domestic intercourse to the feverish anxieties of the statesman, as on the present occasion. His course during the first four years that he had held the helm had been singularly prosperous; and if he had not always met with a smooth sea, he had been able to continue his course over it by the strong gale of his popularity; but from this time he met with adverse winds and opposing currents which greatly impaired the comfort of the voyage, and in some degree its success.

The foreign relations of the country were beset with diffi

culties. Besides the vexations to which the commerce of neutral nations is always exposed from maritime belligerents, Great Britain had lately shown a disposition to restrict the privileges of neutrals to the farthest point for which there could be any plausible pretext, and to assert principles of national law to which the people of the United States would not long submit, and which consequently, if persisted in, would certainly lead to war.

She

Spain continued to assume an attitude of hostility. rejected all overtures for adjusting the boundaries of Louisiana; and not only refused compensation for past wrongs, but continued to give fresh provocations. Unless there was an entire change in her councils, war seemed inevitable, and war with her would but too certainly lead to war with him whose power and genius were formidable even at this distance; for, without laying any stress on the engagements to Spain by treaty, which Napoleon could continue or annul at pleasure, there was but too much reason to believe that the recent course of that nation towards the United States was approved, if it was not actually prompted, by the French government. There were also schisms among the republicans in several of the states. According to the ordinary experience in the history of parties, as the pressure of a common enemy grew weaker, the mutual repulsion among its several parts, arising from conflicts of interest or opinion, or mere personal dislikes, began to exhibit its inherent energy. And though the divisions in the states of New York, Pennsylvania, and Kentucky had their origin in local causes, and had not yet extended to federal politics, the mischief was not the less certain: for if great strength leads to divisions, these again as certainly produce weakness, by which tendencies, founded in the nature of man, all great parties carry within them the elements of their own destruction, which it requires all the efforts of master spirits to counteract.

A short time before the meeting of Congress, it occurred

to the President that the same expedient which, in the purchase of Louisiana, had succeeded so well in settling our former controversy with Spain, might in the purchase of Florida prove equally successful in settling the existing differences; and that the present was a favourable moment for making the experiment. It was known that France, again at war with Austria, was greatly in want of money to support her overgrown armies; that the supplies which she had hitherto received from Spain had lately ceased, or been intercepted, and consequently that any negotiation by which Spain would be better able to furnish her wonted aid would be likely to receive the favour and good offices of France. He therefore proposed to enter upon the negotiation at once, and trust to Congress to ratify the compact when made. But it being the opinion of his cabinet that, in a national measure so important as a large accession of territory, it would be at once the most prudent and most proper course, to obtain the previous sanction of the legislature, as had been done in the case of Louisiana, it was then decided that that course should be pursued; and the secretary of the treasury was requested to prepare a plan of raising the necessary funds and of transmitting them to Europe.

Congress met on the 2nd of December, and the next day the President transmitted to both Houses his opening message. He mentions the recent reappearance of the yellow fever in two of our principal cities; which on the present, as on all former occasions, seemed to be strictly local, and not communicable in the country either by persons or goods. He remarks that "its access is with the autumn, and it disappears with the early frosts ;" and thinks that the quarantine laws, to which our vessels are subjected, are very burdensome, and that their efficacy merits examination.

He tells them that our foreign relations have been of late greatly changed, our coast infested and harbours watched

by private armed vessels; that our ships have been captured in the very act of entering our ports, and plundered at sea; their crews taken out, maltreated, and abandoned. It had therefore been found necessary to equip a force to cruise within our own seas, and bring in the offenders for trial as pirates. He notices also the injuries from public ships, and the interpolation into the law of nations, by which the belligerent denies to a neutral a trade which itself carries on with an enemy.

He says that our negotiation with Spain was not yet terminated. She still refused compensation for former spoliations, on indefensible pretexts; and similar injuries were even then repeated. She still obstructed our commerce on

the Mobile, and rejected propositions for ascertaining the boundaries of Louisiana. Outrages had been committed by Spanish authorities within the territories of Orleans and the Mississippi, actually surrendered, until he had found it necessary to give orders for resistance.

Since some of these injuries were to be met by force only, and all of them might lead to it, he recommends preparations for such a result. He informs them that for the defence of our seaports, heavy cannon had already been provided; and suggests a large addition to the number of gun-boats. An organization of the militia was strongly recommended, so that by separating the more active part from the rest, a corps might be drawn from it fit for service, and to be called to it in regular rotation. He states that materials had been provided for seventy-fours, according to former acts of Congress, and a prohibition of the exportation of warlike stores was suggested. He adverts to the peace with Tripoli and consequent liberation of our citizens, and notices the gallant enterprise of Eaton, in behalf of Hamet Caramelli, the ex-bashaw of Tripoli, by which peace with that power was secured. As a reward for the bravery

displayed by the navy in the Mediterranean, he recommends that the peace establishment of captains and lieutenants should be enlarged; and that the executive have the power of selecting the species of vessels to be employed, and of assigning to frigates their full complement of men, instead of two-thirds.

He brings to their notice the advancement of the Indians in agriculture and household arts, and the purchases made of them since the preceding session. The expedition of Lewis and Clark is adverted to, and he informs them that their progress in exploring the principal rivers in the Indian country would be communicated when received; the receipts for the year had been upwards of 13,000,000 dollars, from which 2,000,000 had been paid under the British treaty and convention, and 4,000,000 of the debt, leaving 5,000,000 in the treasury; and that it had not been found necessary to borrow the money authorized at the last session for payment of the claims of our citizens under the French convention.

Three days afterwards he sent a confidential message to Congress on the subject of our relations with Spain, in which he referred to the late convention in Madrid, wherein she agreed to pay for her depredations on the American commerce, and to submit those committed by French cruisers in Spanish ports to future discussion. He informed them that since the cession of Louisiana to the United States, her disposition and conduct had undergone a change that she had protested against the transfer, retracted, had taken offence at the establishment of a collection district on the Mobile, within the limits since acknowledged by herself, and that she refuses to ratify the convention. That he had sent Mr. Monroe to co-operate with the minister resident to negotiate on these points, but she evidently wished to keep the points of controversy unsettled. That our ministers had obtained no indemnity for spoliations nor satisfaction as to

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