And we

what laws other nations shall treat us on the sea. will say it. In the mean time we wish to let every treaty we have drop off without renewal."

The methodical habits of business to which Mr. Jefferson had always been familiar, he sought to introduce into his cabinet, and in all the departments of the administration. On the 6th of November he addressed a circular to the heads of the departments, on the subject of their modes of communication with the president, and of transacting official business. He details the practice "pursued by General Washington, by which he saw everything, to whatever department it was addressed; he formed a central point for the different branches; preserved a unity of object and action among them; exercised that participation in the gestion of affairs which his office made incumbent on him; and met himself the due responsibility for whatever was done❞— and he recommended it to their adoption.

Congress having assembled on the first Monday in December, on the following day Mr. Jefferson, in pursuance of his predetermined purpose, addressed the following letter to the speaker, instead of a speech, as had been the previous practice :

"Sir: The circumstances under which we find ourselves at this place rendering inconvenient the mode heretofore practised, of making by personal address the first communications between the legislative and executive branches, I have adopted that by message, as used on all subsequent occasions through the session. In doing this I have had principal regard to the convenience of the legislature, to the economy of their time, to their relief from the embarrassment of immediate answers on subjects not yet fully before them, and to the benefits thence resulting to the public affairs. Trusting that a procedure founded on these motives will meet their approbation, I beg leave, through you, Sir, to com

municate the enclosed message, with the documents accompanying it, to the honourable the Senate, and pray you to accept for yourself and them the homage of my high respect and consideration." The reason, however, which weighed with him probably more than any other, was that a speech savoured of the forms of royalty, and was passed over in silence. But he well knew that this motive would be fully understood and properly appreciated by those whose favour and approbation he was most desirous of obtaining.

In this message he notices the recent peace in Europe in terms of congratulation, and expresses the hope that the wrongs which neutral nations had suffered during the war would now be repaired. He mentions the pacific temper of the Indians, their progress in the useful arts, and their consequent increase in numbers. The recent hostilities with Tripoli, and the efficient measures we had taken to defend our commerce in the Mediterranean, were stated, and further measures as to this and the other Barbary powers were recommended.

Passing then to matters of internal policy, he mentions the late census, which indicates a duplication of numbers in little more than twenty-two years-an increase of revenue far greater than that of population; and that although it would probably be effected by our foreign relations, yet he thought we might dispense with all the internal taxes, excise, and the postage on newspapers.

He suggests, however, that this diminution of burthens must be accompanied by a diminution of expense: he recommends a reduction of the civil list, the army and navy, and says he has already begun the reduction when he had the powers of multiplying barriers against public waste, " by appropriating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of definition; by disallowing all applications of money varying from the appropriation in object, or transcending it

in amount; by reducing the undefined field of contingencies, and thereby circumscribing discretionary powers over money; and by bringing back to a single department all accountabilities for money, where the examinations may be prompt, ef ficacious, and uniform."

An attention to the militia, as our main reliance for defence, is earnestly pressed. As to the navy, while he admits that a small force will probably be needed for the Mediterranean service, he thinks the other expenditure had better be in providing such articles as may be kept without waste, until any public exigency required them. Fortifications and navy yards are mentioned in a way to lessen the amount ordinarily expended on them, rather than to keep it up. After stating that "Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise," he admits that "protection from casual embarrassment, however, may sometimes be seasonably interposed." He calls the attention of Congress to the judiciary system, and especially that portion of it recently erected, and promises to furnish them with statements of the business previously depending in the courts, that they may judge of the proportion between the courts and the duties assigned to them. The importance of jury trial and their impartial selection is also recommended to their notice. He concludes with recommending a revisal of the laws of naturalization, and suggests that a residence of fourteen years, as was then one of the requisites, was too long. "And shall we refuse," he asks, “to the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity. find no asylum on this globe?"

This message, as was to be expected, was vehemently assailed by the federal party. The points deemed most ex

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ceptionable, or at least most vulnerable to attack, were the reduction of the revenue, the army, and navy, the revision of the judicial system, and the proposed facility to naturalization; all of which they attributed either to false or visionary notions of government, or to an unprincipled sacrifice of the best interests of the nation to popular prejudices. The very mode of communication, which has since received the sanction of general usage, and which is in accordance with the universal practice in the States, did not escape censure, but was arraigned as proceeding from an overweening desire of popularity, and a covert design to cast an invidious shade on the character of General Washington and Mr. Adams.

All these measures were the more unacceptable, because if they had a fortunate issue, they would be at once a practical rebuke on their own course when in power, and a triumphant vindication of that of the republicans. The best talents of the party were therefore put in requisition to bring them into discredit with the people, and to show that so far as they were able to reduce the taxes and yet make good the public engagements, they were indebted to the schemes of finance introduced by their predecessors, and which they had invariably opposed. The general expressions of philanthropy which occasionally found a place in the message, were sneered at as an offering to a spurious philosophy then in vogue; and disaster and ruin were confidently predicted to the nation for committing the reins to those who had neither the skill nor firmness to guide them. Among these attacks, one of the most distinguished both for talent and bitterness, was a pamphlet attributed to Alexander Hamilton, which, after bestowing the harshest strictures on every part of the message, and a warm panegyric on the policy of the preceding administrations, interspersed with sarcasms on the personal character of the President, concludes in the following strain of scornful obloquy :-"Consummate in the

paltry science of courting and winning popular favour, they falsely infer that they have the capacity to govern, and they will be the last to discover their error. But let them be assured that the people will not long continue the dupes of their pernicious sorceries. Already the cause of truth has derived this advantage from the crude essays of their chief, that the film has been removed from many an eye. The credit of great abilities was allowed him by a considerable portion of those who disapproved his principles, but the short space of nine months has been amply sufficient to dispel that illusion; and even some of his most partial votaries begin to suspect, that they have been mistaken in the object of their idolatry."

Mr. Jefferson had however the consolation of knowing that his course, so obnoxious to his adversaries, was approved by his friends, who constituted a great majority of the American people; and, confident it was adapted to the solid interests of the nation as well as suited to its ruling tastes, he trusted to time to justify him in the eyes of the fairer portion even of his opponents. In this expectation he was not disappointed.