jure the best man least, and effect the purposes of justice and public utility with the least private distress; that it may be thrown, as much as possible, on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerancy, on anti-revolutionary adherence to our enemies."

"The remonstrance laments that a change in the administration must produce a change in the subordinate officers :' in other words, that it should be deemed necessary for all officers to think with their principal. But on whom does this imputation bear? on those who have excluded from office every shade of opinion which was not theirs? or on those who have been so excluded? I lament sincerely that unessential differences of opinion should ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society from the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them as unworthy of every trust. It would have been to me a circumstance of great relief, had I found a moderate participation of office in the hands of the majority. I would gladly have left to time and accident to raise them to their just share. But their total exclusion calls for prompter corrections. I shall correct the procedure; but, that done, return with joy to that state of things, when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be, Is he honest? Is he capable? Is he faithful to the constitution?"

He was soon afterwards informed by Mr. Lincoln that this answer to the New Haven merchants had produced a good effect in Massachusetts on the republican party, and no ill effect on their opponents. In Mr. Jefferson's reply he remarks," That the republicans would consent to a continuation of everything in federal hands, was not to be expected, because neither just nor politic. On him (the President) then was to devolve the office of an executioner, that of lopping off. I cannot say that it has worked harder than I expected. You know the moderation of our views in this

business, and that we all concurred in them. We determined to proceed with deliberation. This produced impatience in the republicans, and a belief we meant to do nothing. Some occasion of public explanation was eagerly desired, when the New Haven remonstrance offered us that occasion. The answer was meant as an explanation to our friends. It has had on them, everywhere, the most wholesome effect. Appearances of schismatizing from us have been entirely done away. I own I expected it would check the current with which the republican federalists were returning to their brethren, the republicans. I extremely lamented this effect. For the moment which should convince me that a healing of the nation into one, is impracticable, would be the last moment of my wishing to remain where I am.". . . . . " I am satisfied that the heaping abuse on me personally has been with the design and the hope of provoking me to make a general sweep of all federalists out of office. But as I have carried no passion into this disagreeable duty, I shall suffer none to be excited. The clamour which has been raised will not provoke me to remove one more, nor deter me from removing one less, than if not a word had been said on the subject."

Chancellor Livingston, of New York, was sent as minister to France as soon as intelligence was received of the ratification of the convention. On the eve of his departure, 9th of September, Mr. Jefferson, in addition to the instructions received from the state department, addressed him an inofficial letter on the subject of the principle that free ships should make free goods. While he admitted that the contrary principle was the established practice of nations, he regarded this as far more convenient in practice, and more

consonant to the abstract notions of national morality, and to usages in analogous cases. It had therefore been occasionally made the rule of late years in the treaties of all the

maritime nations of Europe. He regards the ship on the high seas as within the exclusive jurisdiction of the nation to which it belongs, and as a consequence of this position he denies the reasonableness of the exception for contraband. But this doctrine may admit of question, for it seems as repugnant to the common principles of justice for a neutral to assist one of the belligerents with the means of war, as it is for a belligerent to interrupt the customary traffic of the neutral. The code of ethics would seem to prescribe impartiality to the neutral, and that is inconsistent with his furnishing one of the parties with the means of annoyance. The value of the stake which the belligerent has in preventing contraband is very different from that of the neutral, for one has only the profits of commerce, whilst the other may have its safety and independence at hazard. The great principles of self-preservation will then naturally impelra nation, and seem to justify it, in stopping contraband, and this right supposes the right of search. We may feel less hesitation in admitting this reasoning, because it is not necessary for the defence of the principle that free ships should make free goods, and because those treaties which have adopted this principle, have also recognised the doctrine of contraband. He expressed these opinions that the minister might co-operate to establish the principle, so far as it could be done without involving the nation in war.

In consequence of the hostile intentions of the Bashaw of Tripoli, manifested by his insolent demands, the President despatched, in May, a squadron of three frigates and a sloop of war, under the command of Commodore Dale, to the Mediterranean, and at the same time a letter was written to the Bey with professions of amity, and intimations that probably his intentions, so inconsistent with existing treaties, had been misconstrued. The squadron was therefore recommended to his hospitality and good offices.

They arrived off Tripoli in August, and finding that the Bashaw had declared war against the United States, they blockaded Tripoli, and captured a polacre of 14 guns.

Among the persons who presented themselves to Mr. Jefferson's mind as fit for the office of minister of France, was Mr. Short, his former secretary of legation. His discretion, good sense, and exact business habits strongly recommended him for such an office, and no one more possessed his confidence or stood higher in his regards; but believing that Mr. Short's long absence from the United States formed a solid objection to his appointment, he made his private predilections, as in the case of Paine he had made considerations of policy, yield to his sense of duty. He thus frankly writes to Mr. Short on the subject by Chancellor Livingston :

"When I returned from France, after an absence of six or seven years, I was astonished at the change which I found had taken place in the United States in that time. No more like the same people-their notions, their habits and manners, the course of their commerce, so totally changed, that I, who stood in those of 1784, found myself not at all qualified to speak of their sentiments, or forward their views in 1790. Very soon, therefore, after entering on the office of secretary of state, I recommended to General Washington to establish as a rule of practice, that no person should be continued on a foreign mission beyond an absence of six, seven, or eight years. He approved it. On the only subsequent missions which took place in my time, the persons appointed were notified that they could not be continued beyond that period. All returned within it except Humphreys. His time was not quite out when General Washington went out of office. The succeeding administration had no rule for anything, so he continued. Immediately on my coming to the administration, I wrote to him myself; reminded him of the rule I had communicated to him on his departure; that he had

been then absent about eleven years, and consequently must return. On this ground solely he was superseded. Under these circumstances, your appointment was impossible after an absence of seventeen years. Under any others, I should never fail to give to yourself and the world proofs of my friendship for you, and of my confidence in you."

He thus briefly sketches, and, as it is believed, correctly sketches, the political aspect of the day. "The state of political opinion continues to return steadily towards republicanism. To judge from the opposition papers, a stranger would suppose that a considerable check to it had been produced by certain removals of public officers. But this is not the case. All offices were in the hands of the federalists. The injustice of having totally excluded republicans was acknowledged by every man. To have removed one half, and to have placed republicans in their stead, would have been rigorously just, when it was known that these composed a very great majority of the nation. Yet such was their moderation in most of the states, that they did not desire it. In these, therefore, no removals took place but for malversations. In the middle states the contention had been higher; spirits were more sharpened and less accommodating. It was necessary in these to practise a different treatment, and to make a few changes to tranquillize the injured party. A few have been made, a very few still remain to be made. When this painful operation shall be over, I see nothing else ahead of us which can give uneasiness to any of our citizens, or retard that consolidation of sentiment so essential to our happiness and strength." Referring to the rapid growth of the country, as indicated by the recent census, he says, "If we can delay but for a few years the necessity of vindicating the laws of nature on the ocean, we shall be the more sure of doing it with effect. The day is within my time as well as yours, when we may say by