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gant price (five guineas), and the still more extravagant demand of the artist for his travelling expenses and professional opinion, there can be no doubt that he is intoxicated by the splendid and munificent gratuities he has received from the royal purse, though the amount of them is here modestly concealed.

From still life we now advance to active life; from the bending line of beauty to the angles of fortification and the rigid manoeuvres of military tactics. This has long been a fruitful subject; and several of the publications before us by no means disgrace its present importance. It is impossible to have noticed the various events of the late war, and especially the uniform success of Bonaparte, without perceiving that the system of attack and defence has undergone a very considerable change from what it exhibited under the seven years' war; in the course of which it was conceived to have attained its ultimate point of perfection. In almost every instance, during the late hostilities, the assailing army obtained possession of the field, and, in most instances, an important and decisive triumph; and as the French, and especially under the guidance of Bonaparte, were commonly the assailants, it is not to be wondered at that they should be able to boast of the greatest number of conquests. Impetuosity has almost universally prevailed over an orderly and rigid resistance; and the velocity of the attack has destroyed half the effect of the most ably planted artillery, and given an indubitable advantage to side-arms over musketry. It is hence highly necessary to become acquainted with those rapid and almost irresistible evolutions which have so successfully been introduced into the field by the enemy;

and captain Macdonald has, in consequence, been usefully engaged in translating from the French tongue, the "Rules and Regulations for the Field Exercise and Manoeuvres of the French Infantry," which were issued, Aug. 1st, 1791. The work is well illustrated by explanatory, notes; and should not only be consulted, but professionally studied, by every regular and volunteer officer. An able "Treatise on the Art of War," has also made its appearance as an extract from the Encyclopædia Britannica; which is admirably well-timed; and from its intrinsic merit highly worthy of perusal. It contains the principles of offensive and defensive operations; with rules for conducting the petitguerre, or war of posts; and the methods of attack and defence in sieges. Colonel Herries has published the first part of his "Instructions for the Use of Yeomanry and Volunteer Corps of Cavalry;" a book which we suppose to be found, as it ought to be, in the parlourwindow of every person to whom, by its title, it is addressed. Mr. Smirke has produced a "Review of a Battalion of Infantry, including the eighteen Manoeuvres, illustrated by a Series of engraved Diagrams." The diagrams are here not an idle ornament; they give, in many instances, a fairer idea of the manœuvre presented than it is easy to communicate by verbal description of any kind. We have received, independently of these publications, several of slighter and merely temporary importance, of which we may perhaps be expected to notice "the Volunteer's, Guide; by an Officer in the third Regiment of Loyal London Volunteers," Mr. Hood's "Elements of War;" and a "Manual for a Volunteer Corps of Infantry." Of these the merit

consists

consists chiefly, if not altogether, in their immediate application to the times. They may, at present, be

perused with profit; but if not noticed now, they have no chance of being noticed hereafter.

CHAPTER III.

MORAL AND POLITICAL.

Containing History, Travels, Politics, Law, Ethics, Metaphysics, Education, Trade.

T

HE publications of the class immediately before us have been numerous, and in many instances not unimportant. We shall take a brief survey of the more valuable, and endeavour rather to communicate an idea of their general character, than to enter into a minute detail of their respective subdivisions. Mr. Plowden is entitled to an early notice in this chapter, in consequence of his "Historical Review of the State of Ireland, from the Invasion of that Country under Henry II. to its Union with Great Britain." Such is the extent of the work as announced in the title; but it is obvious, from its perusal, that the historian's chief object was to give an account of the political transactions which have lately occurred within this department of what has, not inappropriately, been called West Britain; and which led to the important event of an union of kingdoms and legislatures. We have hence an extent of research, a minuteness of detail, and a scope of letter-press devoted to this latter consideration, which is altogether unproportioned to the space occupied by the earlier branches of the subject; and the title might have run perhaps more fairly-a" His

tory of the Annexation of Ireland to Great Britain, with an introductory Sketch of the former Country, from its earliest Periods." These periods reach indeed to a lofty ascent; in reality, so lofty, that we often find our guide, as well as ourselves, lost in the clouds that surround us. It commences with the reign of that "great and favourite monarch 'Ollam - Fodlah, who reigned, according to Keating, 950 years before the Christian æra." During his reign, and for several centuries afterwards, we meet with a wonderful assemblage of most marvellous and extraordinary events, which might well have served to decorate the warm and confident pages of general Vallency. Mr. Plowden fixes the period in which England acquired any degree of possession and controul over Ireland, in the reign of Henry II., who was invited to Ire land by Dermond, a king of Leinster, who, like another Paris, had seduced and carried off the wife of another provincial king, and had hereby induced all the neighbouring princes to league against him. Under the reign of Henry VII. Ireland appears to have enjoyed the enactment of many wise and salutary regulations, which were instantly

departed

departed from on his death; and, under the protectorate of Cromwell, she seems to have suffered as much, and perhaps rather more, than she has suffered at any time: we mean in point of peculation and tyranny. It is well known that Cromwell had a numerous retinue of dependants to provide for; and when, as it often occurred, he could not gratify their rapacity at home, a grant of the estate of some displaced Irish proprietor admirably answered his purpose, and at once removed to a convenient distance from him the dissatisfied and the source of dissatisfaction. In modern times, the severest sufferings the country appears to have sus tained occurred between the period of the recal of lord Fitzwilliam and the dissolution of the anti-jacobin ministry. Much yet remains to be done, before Ireland will cordially assent to the union which she could not prevent; and which, whatever it have done hitherto, may unquestionably be made contribútory to her advantage, in a very high degree, if she be allowed the precious sight of a few glimpses of sound faith from the cabinet; and commercial, as well as political, generosity from the legislature.

On crossing the channel, we perceive various attempts to illustrate the history of Great Britain, either in whole or in part, from its earliest epochs to the present eventful period. Of these, some are fabulous and fanciful; and others, founded on firmer documents and diagnostic of a more solid judge ment. The more fabulous still, as in former times, principally relate to the principality; upon the early population of which we have had two publications; one entitled, anonymously, "A Vindication of the Celts, from ancient Authorities;

with Observations on Mr. Pinkerton's Hypothesis concerning the Origin of the European Nations in his Modern Geography, and Dissertation on the Scythians or Goths;" and the other, "A Sketch of the early Cymry, or Ancient Britons, from the Year 700 before Christ, to A.D. 500, by the Rev. P. Roberts, A. M." The chief object of the former, as its title imports, is to oppose the visionary system of Mr. Pinkerton. This is easily done, and consequently sufficiently accomplished in the work before us; although, upon equal ground, the author appears to have no pretensions to measure lances with his opponent. But having followed many a prior essayist on the same side of the question, in pointing out errors and inconclusions in Mr. Pinkerton's Theory, our author does not advance with a better to supply its place instead of which indeed we have long romantic histories of fictitious persons, and conjectures, which, far from being capable of proof, are easily open to refutation. From Mr. Roberts's "Sketch," we freely confess, however, that we have not been able to obtain a much greater degree of knowledge. Before the triads are resorted to, we want to have their veracity, as historie documents, a little better established; or, in other words, to have a little more of their origin and history: and a similar observation may be made with regard to the remains of Taliesin and Ăneurin. It has been asserted by Mr. Davies, long since this publication, that the Druids were in possession of an alphabet, and were in the habit of recording the transactions of their country in regular writing; and that there exists, at this moment, within the fastnesses of the Welsh mountains, a

regular

regular succession of Druidic priests who have never forsaken the religion of their forefathers; and among whom these characters are still in use. Why are not these right venerable descendants brought forwards as witnesses, both of their own existence and of the scientific attainments of their forefathers? Why are not 'their scrolls and documents examined for genuine copies of such ancient effusions? The more we dive into these national legends, the more contradictory we find them. We well remember that the triads, or at least that several fragments of them introduced into the Welch Archaiology, asserted, that the aboriginal inhabitants took possession of the country under the guidance of the good, the meek, and the unwarlike Hu the mighty; but, according to Taliesin, in a passage quoted in the book before us, the aboriginal leader was a bold and martial chief, and all the adventurers who accompanied him were also fond of war, and the dread of Europe, ober afnis Europa. Taliesin moreover states, that they were natives of Gafis, a country in Asia, and the triads, that they came across the blue haze from Deffrobani. Yet what is Deffrobani? It is generally interpreted, and in this very triad, Constantinople; but this not corresponding with the account of Taliesin, and the Asiatic origin of the Welch antiquaries, it is affirmed by others to mean the island of Ceylon. We want therefore harmony, proportion, and mutual agreement between these pretended documents, before any reliance can be placed upon them; or, in other words, documents themselves.

"Historical View of the English Government, from the Settlement of the Saxons in Britain to the Re1803.

volution of 1688, by John Millar, Esq." 4 volumes, 8vo. When we mention that this work is introduced by an eloquent dedication to Mr. Fox, we need make no other effort to convince our readers of the political system it is for the most part likely to favour. It is to the latter half of the "Historical View" alone, however, that we have now to direct our attention; for the first two volumes were brought forwards not less than six, teen years ago, in the form of a single volume in quarto. The very respectable author is now no more, but he will long exist and flourish in his works. There is a piercing and pervading spirit, a sound discriminative judgement, a bold analytical perseverance, which cannot but secure to him a very large portion of fame, and fame of that superior order which is most worth possessing. Professor Millar is not a mere narrator of events: in delineating the fact he developes the cause and predicts the result; he generalises history with history, and enriches the whole with true and enlarged philosophic views, and extensive political catenations. He makes the statesman while he instructs the man. It was his intention to have divided his commentary on the period subsequent to the accession of the house of Stuart into two parts; the first to comprehend the history of the struggles which ensued between the prerogative of the crown and the asserted privileges of the people anterior to the revolution in 1688, which terminated so successfully the contest in favour of the latter; and the second to take a survey of the rise and progress of the influence of the crown, which has, of late years, becn advancing in a path by so much the more dangerous, as it is

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less open and observed than in former periods; which has relinquish ed the stern brow of authority for the bewitching smile of corruption, and is accompanied with bribes instead of menaces. This part, we are sorry to add, is left unfinished; and still more sorry are we to remark, that, from the carelessness of the editor or printer, a great variety of blunders are suffered to appear, which the least attention might have corrected. The fourth volume contains a review of the Irish government, with the effects which that part of the united kingdom experienced in consequence of the revolution.

We pass from the Celts to the Saxons; and, in the third volume of Mr. Turner's "History of the Anglo-Saxons, from the Death of Alfred the Great to the Norman Conquest," possess a very considerable treasure of authentic and highly instructive information. The Danish Sagas, and the Cottonian documents in the British Museum, have been successfully adverted to for contributions; yet much still remains to be done, for much is still doubtful and uncommunicated. The means of acquiring knowledge are nevertheless fruitful and abundant; and, as Mr. Turner has already thrust in his sickle to so much advantage, we trust he will still persevere; and that there are many volumes of his elaborate researches which yet remain to see the sun.

Dr. Coote has added another volume to his "History of England," which forms the ninth in the regular series, and brings down the state of our public affairs from the peace of 1783 to the treaty at Amiens in 1802. The same liberal and independent spirit that characterises his earlier labours, is equally

conspicuous in the present, which, it is obvious, must comprise the whole extent of Mr. Pitt's first administration. In the long course of this period, it must be conceded, that there have been measures brought forwards by himself which are worthy of praise, but a far greater number which are entitled to censure; and our author is discriminate in pointing out both, and in applying his lash, or his encomium, as they appear fairly to be deserved. Mr. Pitt continued to work at the wheel of government till he could wind it round no more: it moved with difficulty from the various clogs that surrounded it; and his own strength was entirely worn out. He retired from office, not from a dislike to office itself, but because he found it impossible to conduct the affairs of the nation any longer; and was succeeded by a minister, who, if he had less talent to do good, had unquestionably less spirit to do mischief. He has been severely and generally censured upon the subject of the late peace: our author unites in the condemnation; but thus candidly and ingenuously qualifies his blame: "The ministers had a difficult task to execute. The unfortunate predicament in which the preceding leaders of the cabinet had involved the nation, rendered peace peculiarly necessary; and the extraor dinary and portentous increase of the power of France, with the high claims of a nation which accused Great Britain of the guilt of aggression, precluded the hope of favourable or beneficial terms. Viewed with reference to this state of affairs, the treaty of Amiens calls for acquiescence and approbation, rather than disgust, objection, or complaint; and, if it should not be permanent, the fault will be that of

the

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