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nearly five millions and a half of principal, and to have now in the treasury four millions and a half of dollars, which are in a course of application to the further discharge of debt and current demands. #. perience, too, so far authorises us to believe, if no extraordinary event supervenes, and the expenses which will be actually incurred shall not be greater than were contemplated by congress at their last session, that we shall not be disappointed in the expectations then formed. But, nevertheless, as the effect of peace on the amount of duties is not yet fully ascertained, it is the more necessary to practise every useful economy, and to incur no expense which may be avoided without prejudice. . The collection of the internal taxes having been "completed in some of the states, the officers employed in it are of course out of commission. In others they will the so shortly. But in a few, where the arrangements for the direct tax had been retarded, it will still be some time before the system is closed. It has not yet been thought necessary to employ the agent authorised by an act of the last session, for transacting business in Europe relative to debts and loans: nor have we used the power, confided by the same act, of rolonging the foreign debt by reloans, and of redeeming, instead thereof, an equal sum of the domestic debt. Should however the difficulties of remittance on so large a scale, render it necessary at any time, the power shall be executed, and the money thus unemployed abroad shall, in conformity with that law, be faithfully employed here in an equivalent extinction of domestic debt. When effects so salutary result from the
plans you have already sanctioned, when, merely by avoiding false objects of expense, we are able, without a direct tax, without internal taxes, and without borrowing, to make large and effectual payments towards the discharge of our public debt, and the emancipation of our posterity from that mortal canker, it is an encouragement, fellow-citizens, of the highest order, to proceed as we have begun in substituting economy for taxation, and in pursuing what is useful for a nation, placed as we are, rather than what is practised by others under different circumstances. And whensoever we are
Considering that our regular troops are employed for local purposes, and that the militia is our general reliance for great and sudden emergencies, you will doubtless think this institution worthy of a review, and give it those improvements of which you find it susceptible. ,
Estimates for the naval department, prepared by the secretary of the navy, for another year, will in like manner be communicated with the general estimates. A small force in the Mediterranean will still be necessary to restrain the Tripoline cruisers; and the uncertain tenure of peace with some other of the Barbary powers, may eventually require that force to be augmented. The necessity of procuring some smaller vessels for that service, will raise the estimate; but the difference in their maintenance will soon make it a measure of economy.
Presuming it will be deemed expedient to expend annually a convenient sum towards providing the naval defence which our situation may require, I cannot but recommend that the first appropriations for that purpose may go to the saying what we already possess. No cares, no attentions, can preserve vessels from rapid decay, which lie in water, and expod to the sun. These decays require great and constant repairs, and will consume, if continued, a great portion of the monies destined to naval purposes. To avoid this waste of our resources, it is proposed to add to our navy-yard here, a dock, within which our present vessels may be laid up dry, and under cover from the sun. Under these circumstances, experience proves that works of wood will remain scarcely at all affected by time.
The great abundance of running water which this situation possesses, at heights far above the level of the . if employed as is practised for lock navigation, furmishes the means for raising and laying up our vessels on a dry and sheltered bed. And should the measure be found useful here, similar depositories for laying up, as well as for building and repairing vessels, may hereafter be undertaken at other navy-yards, offering the same means.—The plans and estimates of the work, prepared by a person of skill and experience, will be presented to you without delay; and from these it will be seen that scarcely more than has been the cost of one vessel is necessary to save the whole, and that the annual sum to be employed towards its completion may be adapted to the views of the legislature as to naval expenditure. To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all their lawful enterprises; to foster our fisheries as nurseries of navigation, and for the nurture of man, and protect the manufactures adapted to our circumstances; to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts, expend the public money with the same care and economy we would practise with our own, and impose on our citizens no unnecessary burdens; to keep in all things within the pale of our constitutional powers, and cherish the federal union, as the only rock of safety; these, fellowcitizens, are the landmarks by which we are to guide ourselves in all our proceedings. By continuing to make these our rule of action, we shall endear to our countrymen the true principles of their - constitution,
Washington, March 10, 1803.
Sir, When you represented, towards the end of November last, that the port of New Orleans had been shut against the citizens of the United States, without the assignment of any equivalent place of deposit for their merchandise ch the banks of the Mississippi, according to the stipulation in the 22d article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the king my master and the United States, I did not hesitate to declare to you, that I considered this measure as flowing solely from the mistaken zeal of the intendant of Louisiana, without the knowledge of my court. I well knew the sincere desire of the king my master to live in peace and good harmony with the United States; as I also knew well the scrupulous good faith with which the Spanish government fulfils the engagements which it forms, particularly when they are founded upon the solemnity of a treaty. I have now the satisfaction of informing you, that my first opinion has been verified, and
herewith, an entire and correct copy of the aforesaid proclamation ; and, by the expressions which I have underlined, it will be clearly seen that the arrangement is absolutely personal, and has originated in the faculties which the intendant supposed to be incident to his station. This assertion is not founded merely on the obvious inference from those expressions. The intendant himself declares it to me in the most direct terms, in a letter of January 15, which I have just received from him, and the governor of the province confirms the same thing with the same solemnity, in another letter of the same date. Neither the one nor the other disputes the right of the citizens of the United States to a place of deposit on
the Spanish banks of the Missis- *
sippi; , but the intendant thinks that the term of three years allowed for the purpose at New Orleans having expired, and much prejudices to the royal interests being experienced from its continuance in that city, it was incumbent on him to suspend the deposit there, without venturing to take on himself the assignment of another equivalent place; not because he
doubted the right of the inhabitants of the United States thereto, but because it appeared to him to be an act exceeding his authority, and which he ought to leave to the royal determination of our sovereign. The governor of Louisiana saw the subject under a point of view more correct, in my judgement, and more favourable to the inhabitants of the United States.
From the whole, it results, that the suspension of the deposit not being an act of my court, and no person ever disputing the right of the American citizens in the case, -I shall now take upon myself to adopt measures which must ensure to the United States the enjoyment of all the rights ...] in the 22d article of the treaty, on the arrival at New Orleans of the dispatches which will be forwarded under this date.
Note from M. Pichon, Chargé d'Affaires of the French Republic, to the Governor of his Catholic Majesty at Louisiana. ,
(Communicated to the Secretary of State.)
George Town, near Washington
Sir, The marquis D’Yrajo has communicated to me the contents of the dispatches which he has just received from your excellency, and from the intendant of his Catholic majesty, at the province under your command, in answer to those which he wrote to you in relation to the late suspension of the right of deposit conceded to the United States at New Orleans. The marquis D’Yrajo finds himself necessitated again to remonstrate to your joy on that subject. I
avail myself of the opportunity to beg of you, sir, in the name of the French government, whose interests are implicated in this case, maturely to consider the alarmin consequences which may result if the intendant should persist in his measures. The intelligence which has been transmitted to the marquis D’Yrajo has at least made it appear indubitable that the measure alluded to was exclusively grounded on the personal opinions of this officer, and supported by no order from his Catholic majesty, or any intimation from the French government. This infor. mation, while it screens from suspicion the dispositions of both governments, and lays entirely on the intendant the consequences of the present state of things, does not, however, remove the apprehensions which that state is calculated to excite. These advices, sir, give an additional force to the remonstrances, which, for my part, and in the anticipated conviction which I entertained that these measures had a cause merely local, I had no hesitation lately to address to the authorities, hourly expected, of the French republic at New Orleans, under cover to the intendant. So pressing are the circumstances, that I deem it my duty to renew these remonstrances, and to entreat your excellency to exert your superior authority to prevent the consequences which the prolongation of the present order of things may produce. It will not escape your notice, sir, that, France being now notoriously the Fo of Louisiana, and the authorities of his Catholic majesty exercising in this colony, at present, only an intermediary power, any measure having a tendency to commit France, France, on whom the odium and the consequences of what has been done, visibly fall, ought, were its justice and its lawfulness doubtful, only, to be suspended; otherwise France may find herself committed, and her relations with the United States materially changed without her consent. I enter into no further details with your excellency, being satisfied that they would be superfluous. Your excellency will be aware that the present is a most critical moment. In the collision of two authorities, one of which undertakes to initiate a construction of treaties which may lead to lwar, it fortunately happens, that the paramount authority, which is eminently entrusted with the preservation and safety of the colony, is of an opinion calculated to maintain peace. In such an alternative, sir, your excellency ought to hesitate no longer in using your power to preserve this peace. If it should be disturbed, the responsibility of the event must inevitably lie upon your excellency. His Catholic majesty, who is in some measure guarantee to France for Louisiana, until France shall have occupied it, would have to blame you for not having taken the measures necessary to fulfil that guarantee towards his ally. The contents of this letter, sir, will, I am confident, be fully justified to your excellency by the existing circumstances, which themarquis D’Yrajo, in behalf of his. court, will doubtless make known to you more particularly. It only remains for me, therefore, to pray your excellency to accept the assurance of my respect and high consideration.
Publication issued by Monsieur, Brother to the King of France.
Monsieur, brother of the king of France, has deemed it his duty no longer to remain silent respecting an important fact, of which too vague an idea has hitherto gone abroad. The variety of lights in which it has been represented, and the false reports industriously circulated by an usurped government, imperiously require that the
opinion of the public, but more
particularly that of Frenchmen, should be set right respecting the real state of the matter. Such are the reasons which at the present conjuncture induce Monsieur to make public certain details which particular circumstances do not allow, however interesting they may be, to be enumerated more at length than as follows: w On the 26th of February, of the current year, a personage of prominent distinction, empowered by high authority, waited on the king of France at Warsaw, and verbally made to his majesty, in terms the most respectful, but at the same time the most urgent, and, in the opinion of him who urged them, the most persuasive, the astonishing proposal to renounce the throne of France, and to require the same renunciation on the part of all the members of the house of Bourbon : the envoy, moreover, observed, that, as a price of this sacrifice, Bonaparte would secure indemnities to his majesty, and even a splendid establishment. His majesty, strongly animated by that sentiment which the hand of Adversity is never able to obliterate from elevated souls, and which