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shall fall into its hands. It therefore calls upon the people to respect those hostages, and to recolleet, that, in spilling their blood, they would leave their own countrymen in the hands of their enemies. The intention of the provisional government is to resign its functions as soon as the nation shall have chosen its delegates; but in the mean time it is determined to enforce the regulations hereunto subjoined: it in consequence takes the property of the country under its protection, and will punish, with the utmost rigour, any person who shall violate that property, and thereby injure the present resources and the future prosperity of Ireland. Whoever refuses to march to whatever part of the country he is ordered, is guilty of disobedience to the government, which alone is competent to decide in what place his services are necessary, and which desires him to recollect, that, in whatever part of Ireland he is fighting, he is still fighting for its freedom. Whoever presumes, by acts or otherwise, to give countenance to the calumny propagated by our enemies, that this is a religious, contest, is guilty of the grievous crime of to: the motives of his country. Religious disqualification is but one of the many grievances of which Ireland has to complain. Our intention is to remove not that only, but every other oppression under which we labour. We fight that all of us may have our country; and that done, each of us shall have his religion. We are aware of the apprehensions which you have expressed, that, in quitting your own counties, you leave your wives and children in the hands of your enemies: but

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on this head have no uneasiness. If there are still men base enough to persecute those who are unable to resist, show them by your victories that we have the power to pumish, and by your obedience, that we have the power to protect; and we pledge ourselves to you, that these men shall be made to feel, that the safety of every thing they hold dear depends on the conduct they observe to you. Go forth then with confidence, conquer the for reign enemies of your country, and leave to us the care of preserving its internal tranquillity; recollect that not only the victory, but also the honour of your country is placed in your hands; give up your private resentments, and show to the world that the Irish are not only a brave, but also a generous and a forgiving people.

MEN of MUN's TER AND con NAUGHT!

you have your instructions—we trust that you will execute them. The example of the rest of your countrymen is now before you, your own strength is unbroken. Five months ago you were eager to act without any other assistance: we now call upon you to show, what you then declared you only wanted the opportunity of proving, that you possess the same love of liberty, and the same courage, with which the rest of your coun

trymen are animated. We now turn to that portion of our countrymen whose prejudices we had rather overcome by a frank declaration of our intentions, than conquer their persons in the field: and in making this declaration wa do not wish to dwell on events, which, however they may bring tenfold odium on their authors, must still tend to keep alive in the minds both of the instruments and victims

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victims of them, a spirit of animosity, which it is our wish to destroy. We will, therefore, enter into no detail of the atrocities and oppression which Ireland has laboured under during its connexion with England; but we justify our determination to separate from that country on the broad historical statement, that, during six hundred years, she has been unable to conciliate the affections of the people of Ireland; that during that time five rebellions were entered into to shake off the yoke; that she has been obliged to resort to a system of unprecedented torture in her defence; that she has broken every tie of voluntary connexion by taking even the name of independence from Ireland, through the intervention of a parliament notoriously bribed, and not representing the will of the people; that, in her vindication of this measure, she has herself given the justification of the views of the United Irishmen, by declaring, in the words of her ministers—“That Ireland never had nor ever could enjoy, under the then circumstances, the benefits of British connexion ; that it mecessarily must happen, when one country is connected with another, that the interests of the lesser will be borne down by those of the greater *:—that England had supported and encouraged the English colonists in their oppression towards the natives of Ireland; that Freland had been left in a state of ignorance, rudeness, and barbarism, worse in its effects, and more degrading in its nature, than that in which it was found six centuries before +.” Now to what cause are these things to be attributed: Did

• Lord Castlereagh's speech.

# Considerations on the State of Affairs in Ireland, by Lord Auckland.

the curse of the Almighty keep alive a spirit of obstinacy in the minds of the Irish people for six hundred years? Did the doctrines of the French revolution produce five rebellions? Could the misrepresentations of ambitious and designing men, drive from the mind of a whole people the recollection of defeat, and raise the infant from the cradle with the same feelings with which his father sunk into the grave? Will this š. avowal which our enemies have made of their own views, remove none of the calumny that has been thrown upon ours ? Will none of the credit which has been lavished on them, be transferred to the solemn declaration which we now make in the face of God, and our Country — We war not against property— we war against no religious sect— we war not against past opinions or prejudices—we war against English dominion. We wi not, however, deny that there are some men, who, not because they have supported the government of our oppressors, but because they have

violated the common laws of mo

rality, which exist alike under all or under no government, have put it beyond our powerto give to them the protection of a government. We will not hazard the influence we may have with the people, and the power it may give us of preventing the excesses of revolution, by undertaking to place in tranquillity the man who has been guilty of torture, free quarters, rape and murder, by the side of the sufferer, or their relations; but, in the frankness with which we warn these men of their danger, let those who do not feel that they have

passed

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passed this boundary of mediation, count on their safety. . We had hoped, for the sake of our enemies, to have taken them by surprise, and to have committed the cause of our country before they could have time to commit themselves against it: but though we have not altogether been able to succeed, we are yet rejoiced to find, that they have not come forward with promptitude on the side of those who have deceived them ; and we now call on them, before it is yet too late, not to commit themselves further against a people they are unable to resist, and in support of a j ment, which, by their own declaration, has forfeited its claim to their allegiance. To that government, in whose hands, though not the issue, at least the features with which the preseet contest is to be marked, are placed, we now turn. How is it to be decided ? Is open and honourable force alone to be resorted to? or is it your intention to employ those laws which custom has placed in your hands, and to

force us to employ the law of re

taliation in our defence? Of the inefficacy of a system of terror, in preventing the people of Ireland from coming forward to assert their freedom, you have already had experience. Of the effect which such a system will have on our minds in case of success, we have already forewarned you. We now address to you another consideration: if, in the question which is now to receive a solemn, and we trust a final, decision; if we have been deceived, reflexion would point out that that conduct should be resorted to which was the best calculated to produce conviction on our minds. What would

that conduct be? It would be to show us, that the difference of strength between the two countries is such, as to render it unne. cessary for you to bring out all your force; to show to us that you have something in reserve wherewith to crush hereafter, not only a greater exertion on the part of the people, but a greater exertion, rendered still greater by foreign assistance; it would be to show to us, that what we have vainly supposed to be a prosperity growing beyond your grasp, is only a partial exuberance, requiring but the pressure of your hand to reduce it into form. But, for your own sake, do not resort to a system which, while it increased the acrimony of your minds, would leave us under the melancholy delusion that we had been forced to yield, not to the sound and temperate exertions of superior strength, but to the frantic

struggles of weakness, concealing

itself under desperation. Consider also, that the distinction of rebel and enemy is of a very fluctuating nature; that, during the course of your own experience, you have already been obliged to lay it aside; that should you be forced to abandon it towards Ireland, you cannot hope to do so as tranquilly as you have done towards America; for in the exasperated state to which you have raised the minds of the Irish people—a people whom you profess to have left in a state of barbarism and ignorance, with what confidence can you say to that people, “while the advantage of cruelty lay upon our side, we slaughtered you without mercy; but the measure of our own blood is beginning to preponderate: it is . no longer our interest that this bloody system should continue: —show

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—show us then that forbearance which we never taught you by precept or example ; lay aside your resentment; give quarter to us; and let us mutually forget that we never gave quarter to you.”

Cease then, we intreat you, uselessly to violate humanity, by resorting to a system inefficacious as an instrument of terror; inefficacious as a mode of defence ; inefficacious as a mode of conviction; ruinous to the future relations of the two countries, in case of our success; and destructive of those instruments of defence which you will then find it doubly necessary to have preserved unimpaired. But if your determination be otherwise, hear ours. We will not imitate you in cruelty; we will put mo man to death in cold blood; the prisoners which first fall into our hands shall be treated with the respect due to the unfortunate; but if the life of a single Irish soldier is taken after the battle is over, the orders thenceforth to be issued to the Irish army are, neither to give nor take quarter.— Countrymen, if a cruel necessity forces us to retaliate, we will bury our resentment in the field of battle ; if we are to fall, we will fill where we fight for our country. Fully impressed with this determination, of the necessity of adhering to which past experience has but too fatally convinced us; fully impressed with the justice of our cause, which we now put to issue, we make our last and solemn appeal to the sword and to Heaven; and as the cause of Ireland deserves to prosper, Inay God give it victory !

Conformably to the above proclaraation, the provisional govern

ment of Ireland decree as follows: 1. From the date and promulgation hereof, tithes are for ever abolished, and church lands are the property of the nation. 2. From the same date, all transfers of landed property are prohibited, each person holding what he now possesses, on paying his rent until the national government is established, the national will declared, and the courts of justice organised. 3. From the same date, all transfer of bonds, debentures, and all public securities, are, in like manner and form, forbidden, and declared void, for the same times and for the same reasons. 4. The Irish generals commanding districts shall seize such of the partisans of England as may serve for hostages, and shall apprise the English commander opposed to

them, that a strict retaliation shall

take place, if any outrages contrary to the laws of war shall be committed by the troops under his command, or by the partisans of England in the district which he occupies. 5. That the Irish generals are to treat (except where retaliation makes it necessary) the English troops who may fall into their hands, or such Irish as serve in the regular forces of England, and who shall have acted conformably to the laws of war, as prisoners of war; but all Irish militia, yeomen, or volunteer corps, or bodies of Irish, or individuals, who, 14 days from the promulgation and date hereof, shall be found in arms, shall be considered as rebels, committed for trial, and their properties confiscated. 6. The generals are to assemble court-martials, who are to be sworn

to

to administer justice; who are not to condemn without sufficient evidence, and before whom all military offenders are to be sent instantly for trial. 7. No man is to suffer death by their sentence, except for mutiny; the sentences of such others as are judged worthy of death shall not be put in execution until the provisional government declares its will ; nor are court-martials, on any pretence, to sentence; nor is any officer to suffer the punishment of flogging, or any species ef torture to be inflicted. 8. The generals are to enforce the strictest discipline, and to send offenders immediately before courtmartials; and are enjoined to chase away from the Irish armies all such as shall disgrace themselves by being drunk in presence of the enemy. 9. The generals are to apprise their respective armies that all military stores, arms, or ammunition, belonging to the English government, be the property of the captors, and the value is to be divided equally, without respect of rank, between them; except that the widows, orphans, parents, or

other heirs of such as gloriously.

fall in the attack, shall be entitled to a double share. 10. As the English nation has made war on Ireland, all English property, in ships or otherwise, is subject to the same rule, and all transfer of them is forbidden, and declared void, in the like manner as is expressed in Nos. 2 and 3. 11. The generals of the different districts are hereby empowered to confer rank up to colonels, inclusive, on such as they conceive to merit it from the nation, but are not to make more colonels than one for fifteen hundred men, nor

more lieutenant-colonels than one for every thousand men. 12. The generals shall seize on all sums of public money in the custom-houses in their districts, or in the hands of the different collectors, county treasurers, or other revenue officers, whom they shall render responsible for the sums in their hands. The generals shall pass receipts for the amount, and account to the provisional government for the expenditure. 18. When the people elect their officers up to the colonels, the general is bound to confirm it. No officer can be broke but by sentence of a court-martial. 14. The generals shall correspond with the provisional government, to whom they shall give details of all their operations; they are to correspond with the neighbouring generals, to whom they are to transmit all necessary intelligence, and to co-operate with thern. 15. The generals commanding in each county shall, as soon as it is cleared of the enemy, assemble the county committee, who shall be elected conformably to the constitution of United Irishmen. All the requisitions necessary for the army shall be made in writing by the generals to the committee, who are hereby empowered and enjoined to pass their receipts for each article to the owners, to the end that they may receive their full value from the nation. 16. The county committee is charged with the civil direction of the county, the care of the national property, and the preservation of order and justice in the county; for which purpose the county committee are to appoint a high sheriff, and one or more sub

sheriffs, to execute their orders; a

sufficient

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