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corps which were reviewed in Hyde Park on the 26th and 28th inst. his majesty's high approbation of their appearance, which has equalled his majesty's utmost expectation. His majesty perceives, with heartfelt satisfaction, that the spirit of loyalty and patriotism, on which the system of the armed volunteers throughout the kingdom was originally founded, has risen with the exigencies of the times, and at this moment forms such a bulwark to the constitution and liberties of the country, as will enable us, under the protection of Providence, to bid defiance to the unprovoked malice of our enemies, and to hurl back, with becoming indignation, the threats which they have presumed to vent against our independence, and even our existence as a nation. His majesty has observed with peculiar pleasure that, amongst the unprecedented exertions which the present circumstances of the country have called forth, those of the capital of his united kingdom have been eminently conspicuous; the appearance of its numerous and well-regulated volunteer, corps, which were reviewed on the 26th and 28th inst., indicates a degree of attention and emulation, both in officers and men, which can proceed only from a deep sense of the important objects for which they have enrolled themselves, a just estimation of the blessings we have so long enjoyed, and a firm and manly determination to defend them like Britons, and transmit them unimpaired to our posterity. The commander in chief has the highest satisfaction in discharging his duty, by communicating these his majesty's most gracious sentiments, and requests that the commanding cfficers will have re

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Transport-Office, Oct. 31, 1803.

I have it in command from the commissioners entrusted with the management of transports for his majesty, as well as with the care and custody of prisoners of war, to inform you, that it is by order of my lord St. Vincent that you have had the option of going to one of the three cities mentioned in your

letter. I am authorised, besides, to acquaint you, that the transportoffice, seconding the views of government, has ever been desirous of treating the prisoners of war, taken during actual hostilities, in the same manner as they had been treated in all former wars between the two countries, with all the humanity consistent with the public security; but that, in the existing circumstances, it has deemed it expedient to remove prisoners of war on parole, from places situated near the coast, and to send them to the cities in the interior of the kingdom. You will observe, then,

that the order which has been

made on this subject, is not confined to you, but applies, in general, to all other prisoners on parole; and as to the comparison you make between the treatment of prisoners in this eountry, and that of the English prisoners in France, the commissioners think it sufficient to remark that the distance, to which it is now proposed to remove you, does not exceed 70 miles, whereas the English prisoners in France are sent into the interior to the distance of 500 miles from some of the ports to which they had been brought. As to your application for permission to return to France on parole, I have orders to inform you that above two months have elapsed since captain Jurieu, late commander of the French frigate La Franchise, had permission to go to France on his parole, as bearer of a special proposition to the French minister of marine, for the establishment of a general cartel of exchange, on the basis of that which subsisted between the two countries during the last war; but that no answer has yet been received to that proposition; and, inasmuch as not a single British prisoner has been hitherto permitted to return to England; and that such permission has been granted yet but to five British subjects, who had been detained in France at the commencement of hostilities, though above 400 French prisoners, taken at sea since the commencement of the war, have returned to France; the commissioners are of opinion that if there be any subjects of complaint, they do not arise from the conduct of this country, but solely from that of the first consul. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) Alex. M'LEAY, Sec.

Letter from Lord Hobart to the
Lords of the Admiralty.
Downing-street, Nov. 5.
My Lords,
Mr. Sullivan having communi-

cated to me sir Evan Nepean’s letter of the 31st ult, containing the demand of citizen Noguez, general of brigade, to obtain permission to return to France on his parole, I am. to acquaint your lordships, thaast will be expedient to represent to general Noguez, that, as the island of St. Lucia has been surrendered at discretion to his majesty’s forces, he can have no right to make the demand of permission to return to France. The indulgence with which the English commanding officers were disposed to treat him, and the other French prisoners of war taken at St. Lucia, in giving them permission, as a simple act of favour, to return to France, was founded on the supposition that the war should be carried on by the French government on the known principles of former wars. But the first consul having, in open violation of the established usage of all civilised nations, thought proper to detain, as prisoners of war, those of his majesty’s subjects who had gone to France during an interval of peace, general Noguez ought to know, that, until such subjects shall be released, no persons taken in arms, except those who may be regularly exchanged, can have permission to leave the British territories: and that, for this reason, he and all the other officers of the army and navy of France, actually prisoners in England, should attribute their detention solely to the measures adopted by the first consul towards his majesty's subjects. I am, my lords, &c. (Signed) Hobart.

Circular Letter, addressed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, to the Lord-Lieutenants. of the maritime Counties of Great


My Lord,

As there is reason to think that aliens landing in this kingdom, from the continent, neglect in many instances to make their declaration to the magistrates of the places where they reside, as required by the provisions of the 9th and 10th clauses of the alien act, a copy of which I enclose, I am to request that your lordship will be so good as to call the particular attention of the magistrates in the county of to this circumstance, and to desire them to enforce the provisions of the abovementioned clauses, with respect to such aliens within their several jurisdictions as have neglected to comply there with, and at the same time to return to me a list of such aliens.

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Whitehall, Dec. 24, 1803. My Lord,

It having appeared that Dutch vessels from Holland, under Prussian colours, have been in the practice of resorting to the east coast of England, for the double purpose of carrying on contraband trade, and o intelligence to the cnemy, it has been judged proper to direct that they .. in future be prevented from so doing between the Humber and the Downs, Yarmouth Roads and the Downs excepted. As, however, the measures taken for this purpose may in some instances be eluded, by their putting persons clandestinely on shore, where the coast will permit of it, I am to desire that your

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Downing-street, Dec. 26. Sir, As nothing would be more contrary to his majesty’s intention than the imposing unnecessary restraint on the navigation of neutral vessels, I have the honour of inforning you, in addition to what I notified in my letter of the 23d inst. that the limitation to Yarmouth Roads and the Downs is applicable to no other vessels than to those which may come to our coast directly from the ports of Holland, or of countries occupied by the arms of l’rance. The necessity which exists for laying down a distinction of this nature, will of course render ships of every description liable to such search ot inquiries as may enable the commanders of his majesty’s ships of war to ascertain that the regulation now established is in no instance evaded ; but this will cause no detriment v.hatever to the trade of neutral nations, as the whole of our coast will continue to be open to all such vessels as may be engaged in the

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The Provisional Government to the People of Ireland. You are now called on to show to the world that you are competent to take your place among nations—that you have a right to claim their recognisance of you, as an independent country, by the only satisfactory proof you can furnish of your capability of maintaining your independence—your wresting it from England with your own hands. In the developement of this system, which has been organised within the last eight months, at the close of internal defeat, and without the hope of foreign assistance; which has been conducted with a tranquillity, mistaken for obedience; which neither the failure of a similar attempt in England has retarded, nor the renewal of hostilities has accelerated: in the developement of this system you will show to the people of England, that there is a spirit of perseverance in this country beyond their power to calculate or to repress; you will show to them that as long as they thii.k to hold unjust dominion over Ireland, under no change of circumstances can they count on its obedience—under no aspect of affairs can they judge of its intentions; you will show to

them that the question, which it now behoves them to take into serious and instant consideration, is not whether they will resist a separation, which it is our fixed determination to effect, but whether or not they will drive us beyond separation; whether they will, by a sanguinary resistance, create a deadly national antipathy between the two countries, or whether they will take the only means still left of driving such a sentiment from our minds—a prompt, manly, and sagacious acquiescence in our just and unalterable determination. If the secrecy with which the present effort has been conducted, shall have led our enemies to suppose that its extent must have been partial, a few days will undeceive them. That confidence, which was once lost, by trusting to extermal support, and sulfering our own means to be gradually undermined, has been again restored. We have been mutually pledged to each other to look only to our own strength, and that the first introduction of a system of terror, the first attempt to execute an indivi. dual in one county, should be the signal of insurrection in all. We have now, without the loss of a man, with our means of communication untouched, brought our plans to the moment when they are ripe for execution; and in the promptitude with which nineteen counties will come forward at once to exccute them, it will be found that neither confidence nor communication are wanting to the pecple of Ireland. In calling on our countrymen to come forward, we feel ourselves bound, at the same time, to justify our claim to their confidence by a precise declaration of our own views. We, therefore, solemnly - declair, declare, that our object is to establish a free and independent republic in Ireland—that the pursuit of this object we will relinquish only with our lives—that we will never, unless at the express call of our country, abandon our post, until the acknowledgement of its independence is obtained from England—and that we will enter into no negotiation (but for exchange of prisoners) with the government of that country while a British army remains in Ireland. Such is the declaration which we call upon the people of Ireland to support— And we call first on that part of Ireland which was once paralysed by the want of intelligence, to show that to that cause only was its inaction to be attributed—on that

art of Ireland which was once oremost by its fortitude in suffering—on that part of Ireland j once offered to take the salvation of the country on itself—on that part of Ireland where the flame of liberty first glowed—we call u THE North to stand up and shake off their slumber and

their oppression. MEN of LEINst ER 1

stand to your arms!—To the courage which you have already displayed, is your country indebted for the confidence which it now feels in its own strength, and for the dismay with which our enemies will be over-whelmed when they shall find this effort to be universal. But, men of Leinster, you owe more to your country than the having animated it by your past example: you owe more to your own courage than the having obtained by it a protection. If, six years ago, when you rose without arms, without plan, without co-operation, with more troops against you alone than are

now in the country at large, you were able to remain for six weeks in open defiance of the government, and within a few miles of the capital, what will you not now ef. fect, with that capital, and every other part of Ireland, ready to support you ? But it is not on this head that we have need to address you. No! we now speak to you, and through you to the rest of Ireland, on a subject dear to us, even as the success of our country—its honour. You are accused by your enemies of having violated that honour; excesses which they themselves had in their fullest extent provoked, but which they have grossly exaggerated, have been attributed to you. The opportunity of vindicating yourselves by actions is now for the first time before you: and we call upon you to give the lie to such assertions, by carefully avoiding every appearance of plunder, intoxication, or revenge, recollecting that you lost Ireland before, not from want of courage, but from not having that courage rightly directed by discipline. But we trust that your past sufferings have taught you experience, and that you will respect the declaration which we now make, and which we are determined by every

means in our power to enforce. The nation alone possesses the right of punishing individuals; and whosoever shall put another person to death, except in battle, without a fair trial by his country, is guilty of murder. The intention of the provisional government of Ireland is to claim from the English government such Irishmen as have been sold or transported by it for their attachment to freedom ; and for this purpose it will retain, as hostages for their safe return, such adherents of that government as shall

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