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was added an eleventh, under the tharacter of captain; these again were united into larger, divisions, under officers with still superior titles; and in case of a revolution, all the conspirators were to be invested with high military rank. Their principal object was to secure or murder the king as he returned from parliament, at the opening of the session; and for this purpose it was proposed to load the t gun in the park with long ball or chain shot, and fire at the king's carriage as it passed. In the mean time another party was to seize the Tower, and afterwards the Bank, to destroy the telegraph, and stop the mail-coaches, which last was to be a signal to the disaffected in the country to march to their assistance. Plausible as was this plan in speculation, we must remark that the numbers of the conspirators were not such as to furnish any hope of success; and it reflects honour on the loyalty of Britons that so few could be found even among the lowest and most depraved classes of society, to enter into a direct plot for overturning the constitution of their country, or attempting the life of their sovereign. The wisdom of the government in permitting the plot to ripen and mature, so as to develope completely the designs and ascertain the guilt of the conspirators, was not more apparent than their moderation and constitutional princiles in the conduct of the trials. o signs of alarm were exhibited by ministers on the discovery of the plot; no advantage was taken to enlarge the powers of government, or to suspend the Habeas Corpus. The men were committed for trial by the ordinary process, and every constitutional ad

vantage was afforded them previous to their trials. On the 7th of February, 1803, colonel Despard was brought up for trial before a special commission at the New Sessions House in the Borough of Southwark. The facts which we have stated, with some corroborations, were fully proved on the evidence of Windsor, Blaine, one Emblyn a watchmaker, and others of the conspirators, who were admitted as evidences for the crown. After a very able defence by his counsel, and a very honourable testimony to his conduct as an officer while in the army, from lord Nelson, sir Allured Clark, and sir Evan Nepean, he was found guilty. On the 9th the court proceeded to the trial of twelve others of the conspirators; and the same facts being proved against them, nine were found guilty – viz. Wood, Francis, Broughton, Macnamara, Wratten, Graham, Newman, Tyndal, and Lander. Three were acquitted. The first six of these unhappy persons, with colonel Despard, were executed on the 21st of

the same month, on a platform erected on the top of the New Gaol in Southwark: the three

others received his majesty's par

don. The state of parties continued nearly the same as at the close of the preceding session of parliament. Mr. Pitt appears still, though reluctantly, to have adhered to his i. of “constant, active, and zeaous support.” The Grenvilles continued the same virulent opposition into which they had entered after the signing of the preliminaries. The bonds, however, which had bound the party of Mr. Pitt to the minister, were greatly slackened. The general election was over, and the A 4 Indemnity Indemnity bill had passed. It was supposed that Mr. Pitt was eager again to return to office; and in fact, not long after the session commenced, an overture was made by Mr. Addington, first to admit Mr. Pitt to an equal share of power with himself, nominating Lord Chatham as the ostensible prime minister; and finding this not satisfactory, it is said, Mr. Addington voluntarily proposed to reinstate Mr. Pitt in his former offices, and to accept himself a subordinate employment. Mr. Pitt, however, it is asserted, declined unless he had a carte blanche allowing him the sole nomination of every member of the cabinet; such a proposal was deemed unreasonable by the other party, and the o terminated. We have a little anticipated dates in mentioning this transaction, which did not take place till the month of March or April, 1803. Mr. Addington's motive, we have understood, was to form a strong government in the critical circumstances in which the country was then placed. The proposal did honour to his moderation, and

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having taken place, both houses

again adjourned. The 23d of November was the day appointed for the opening of the new parliament. In the speech from the throne, his majesty congratulated both houses on the internal prosperity of the country, as evidenced in the late abundant harvest, in the flourishing state of manufactures and commerce, in the revenue of his united kingdom, and in the loyalty and attachment manifested to his person and government. In his intercourse with foreign powers, he affirmed that he had been actuated by a sincere disposition for the maintenance of peace: though, he remarked, it was nevertheless impossible for him to lose sight of that established, and wise system of policy, by which the interests of other states were connected with his own; and that therefore, he could not be indifferent to any material change in their relative condition and strength. His conduct, he said, would be invariably regulated by a due consideration of the actual situation of Europe, and by a watchful solicitude for the permanent welfare of his people. He expressed his persuasion that parliament would agree with him, in thinking it incumbent upon him to adopt those means of security which are best calculated to afford the prospect of preserving to his subjects the blessings of peace. He contemplated, with the utmost satisfaction, the great and increasing benefits produced by that important measure, which had united the interests and consolidated the resources of Great Britain and Ireland. He reminded both houses, that the great and leading duties they were called upon to discharge, were, to uphold the honour of the countrye country, to encourage its industry, to improve its resources, and to maintain the true principles of the constitution in church and state; that in the performance of these duties they might be assured of his uniform and cordial support, since it was his earnest wish to cultivate a to: harmony and confidence tween himself and his parliament, and to promote to his utmost, the welfare of his faithful subjects, whose interests and happiness he should ever consider as inseparable from his own. In his address to the commons, he stated merely, that he had ordered the estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before them, and that he relied on their zeal and liberality in providing for the various branches of the public service; which, he said, it was a great satisfaction to him to think might be fully accomplished without any considerable addition to the burdens of his people. Lord Arden moved the address in the house of peers, which recapitulated and adopted the leading sentiments contained in the speech. Lord viscount Nelson seconded the motion, and declared his complete approbation of the noble lord's opinion. He was satisfied every noble lord in the house would think with his lordship, that the executive government of the country was now entitled to speak in a firm, unequivocal tone; which his lordship urged in very strong terms. No man was more for peace than he was ; but he deprecated having it on dishonourable terms, and it was purchased at too high a price with a particle of our honour. The marquis of Abercorn impressed the house with the necessity of attending with more than ordinary vigilance to the awful and cri

tical situation of the country, a situation more awful and critical than any in which it had been placed since the foundation of the monarchy. We had now a rival more successfully busy in time of peace, than ever he had been in war; a rival whose hand was eternally placed on his sword, and whose foot was placed in every little state around him. His lordship adverted to the extraordinary aggrandisement of our ambitious, our natural, and our determined and inveterate enemy; and to the danger that might befall this country, if such measures were not promptly pursued and stedfastly maintained, as were best calculated to turn aside every mischievous attempt to undermine our power and lessen our greatness by checking our commerce and destroying our trade. The marquis begged' their lordships to reflect, that it was not the views of ambition, the acquirements of territory, and the increase of national power, that he was desirous of recommending to their attention; but a more rational and a more moderate object, the preservation of the united empire of Great Britain, such as it then was. It was true, he continued, we had our religion, our laws, and our liberties, whole and entire, as they were handed down to us by our ancestors. Still there were many things to complain of: millions upon millions of money had been sent out of the country; every branch and function of the state had been surrendered into the hands of administration; immense weight and power were shifted from their proper place; and the old and respectable aristocracy of the country was overwhelmed by a new aristocracy, which went by the name of the monied interest. With respect to


the peace that had been concluded, he never thought that the ostentatious preparations made by France to invade this country af. forded a sufficient reason for giving as the price of peace, those things which, if retained, might still now have been a pledge for its continuance. Between the signing of the preliminary and definitive treaties, there were every day fresh proofs of the hostility of France. Since that time, there were repeated instances of hostility; and therefore the question was, whetherweshould make preparation for war, or throw ourselves upon the will of that person who ruled over the fate of France? After a great deal of general reasoning, all calculated to advise precaution, vigilance, and energy to ministers, the marquis concluded with declaring a hope that the unanimity of the house that night would convince all Europe of the unanimous determination of the people of the united kingdom, to support and maintain their weight and importance in the scale of nations. The earl of Carlisle reminded the house, that when the present administration came into office he had risen in his place, and declared he could not lend it his confidence. There appeared to be something in the concoction of it that promised neither firmness nor stability. He at that time prognosticated that an administration so formed, was not likely to produce very beneficial advantages to the country, critically situated as it then was. Unfortumately his predictions had been most seriously verified; but he took no delight in the unfortunate realisation of his prophecies. He affirmed that the present administration was essentially defective and erroneous: it was fundament

ally incapable of the functions which it undertook ; and he believed that he was the only person who took upon himself to express the opinion which he now held, and to deprecate the evils with which such an administration was pregnant. He had now to congratulate their lordships on a higher and better tone being assumed by ministers. The change was fortunate: but he lamented to say, that it had come, he feared, too late; and he could not but express his astonishment that they had delayed so long to take the step of this day. The intemperate haste which they had shown for peace was their original error, and out of that had sprung all the errors. and calamities that had followed. He would offer no amendment to the address; but he must say, that.

a day must soon come, when the

conduct of this administration must be reviewed, and when they must come to a strict examination of the measures which had brought ous into our present most critical situation. In the mean time, he gave his most cordial approbation to the

address. The duke of Norfolk declared his entire approbation of the address, but not for the reasons stated by some of the noble lords who had spoken that day. The noble duke said, he was not ready to concur in the sentiment, that if the French should break the engagements they had made with any .# the powers of the continent, therefore we should instantly plunge the nation into the horrors of war. With regard to the rumours of plots and conspiracies of a fift extent which had lately been circulated, and to which some allusion had been made, he sincerely hoped that they did not exist, either in the terrible form or to the extent represented; sented; but he must take occasion to say, that, whatever suspicions were entertained, or discoveries made, of attacks of a horrible mature being in meditation, or of attempts to seduce soldiers or artizans from their duty, he hoped that the conduct of government would be prompt and just. No other peer rising to speak, the lord chancellor read the motion; and was proceeding to put the question, when Lord Grenville rose. He apologised to the noble lord on the woolsack, for giving him the trouble to read the motion for the address; but he had forborne to of. fer himself to his eye till the last moment, in hopes that some lord would have given to the house more information than they had


yet received. He was never more.

anxious than to know from ministers what was the real state of the world at this moment; and what were the precise circumstances which had induced them to assume a firm and vigorous tone now, instead of the tame, conceding, and languid temper which they had manifested up to this moment. He expressed his astonishment that ministers had not thought it due to that house, and the country, to explain why they had before acquiesced, and why they now resolved to acquiesce no more. His majesty's speech contained three distinct propositions, in every one of which he most cordially acquiesced. In the first of those propositions he most f. concurred, because it included in itself a direct censure of the present administration. Nothing could be more true than that it was the incumbent duty of ministers to have a watchful solicitude over the interests of this country as connected with those of Eu

rope. But it was equally certain, that his majesty's ministers had shown no such watchfulness. He called upon their lordships to pronounce whether they could truly say, that the king’s ministers had shown any just vigilance over the interests of the state; and particularly with regard to that which constituted the second proposition in the speech, that his majesty could not view with indifference any material change in the relative condition and strength of the different powers on the continent. Nothing was more just, nothing more certain, than this proposition; but the observation that must arise in every mind upon the subject was, Did no material change take place in the relative condition and power of the nations on the continent, till the present moment? The answer must be obvious. Between the signature of the preliminaries of peace and the definitive treaty, Louisiana was added to the power of France. Surely ministers saw this with indif. ference. It was not their present language that he looked to, but their acts. They saw this important change; and yet with arms in their hands, they made no pause in their negotiation, but concluded the definitive treaty. This was not all. The ink was still wet, the wax was not yet cold, with which this treaty was concluded, when Piedmont, the bulwark of Italy, was annexed to the French empire. With a cer. tain knowledge that Russia was adverse to this encroachment, the French artfully concealed their intentions for fear of remonstrance, until our ministers had concluded and ratified that disgraceful treaty. Then, seeing the indifference of the government of Great Britain, they struck the blow by which the ancient ally of the British crown, the faithful

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