the gentlemen who spoke after the mover and seconder of the address, and who more than insinuated the insufficiency of the present administration. These gentlemen accompanied their observations with a studied panegyric upon Mr. Pitt. In the praise of his abilities, and in the acknowledgement of the signal services rendered by him to the country, no man could join more cordially than he did. He was also ready to approve the measures of his administration: but the events which closed that administration proved that no abilities, however powerful, could command success. When he recollected these events, what must be his surprise to hear that the close of that administration was a period the most flourishing, the most prosperous either for war or peace, that could well be imagined, and the best calculated to tempt any man conscious of talent or actuated by ambition, to take upon him the guidance of pub. lic affairs; yet, what was the situation of the country at that period! Was not all Europe combined against us but the cabinet of Vienna, and that power not able to support us even by words? Did ever such a feeling of dismay pervade the country, as when the present administration entered into office? Was the neutral question then decided; was it even decided by the battle of Copenhagen? After the issue of that battle, and even after the death of the emperor Paul, was it not well known that several persons who composed the government of Russia still adhered to the system of the neutral question, and that the decision of it was attended with the greatest difficulties? As to the expedition against Egypt, no one more approved and applauded it than he did. Our forces

at that time could not have been better employed, and the success they at length obtained materially contributed to the attainment of peace. But if the military men employed in that expedition were consulted, would they say that nothing obstructed, that nothing had rendered doubtful, its ultimate success? The gentlemen he had already alluded to, and also his right honourable friend, had alluded to the state of our public establishments. Never, he would venture to affirm, were our public establishments, especially that of the navy, more considerable; never was the. navy of France more reduced. But these gentlemen would not look to the terms of peace in discussing its merits; they confined themselves to the animus manifested by the French government. If, he remarked, they never would make peace while the animus they alluded to continued, they would never have been at peace either with new or old France. For if that animus referred to the plans of ambition and aggrandisement which France has and had always in view, they would find that the three last treaties with the French government had ever in contemplation the renewal of hostilities; and if the animus be objected to in that sense, we should never be at peace at all. A doubt had also been expressed of the prosperous state of our commerce and manufactures. He would now only observe, that, when the accounts relative to this subject should be laid before the house, they would have the satisfaction to see that those important branches were never so flourishing as at the present moment. To preserve, therefore, and maintain that peace which the present administration had concluded, and thereby to give

oppor

opportunities to internal resources to fructify and accumulate, would be their invariable policy: but while they looked to that policy as the foundation of their power, they would be prepared for what events might call for; always determined to resist every unjust demand, and that in the first instance. While it was thus their object to make peace, they would not lose sight of what the circumstances of Europe might demand. They were sensible that the influence of the French revolution had produced a great convulsion in many of the continental states: but while they regretted the operation of that influence (which, however, it was to be lamented, could not altogether be now repressed), they trusted their conduct would satisfy their country; as while they were eager to preserve the blessings of peace, they would be less watchful to maintain the character and dignity of the country, and every thing that had been held sacred by its wisest and most enlightened statesmen.

Mr. Windham followed: and said, that if this country were really in the state depicted by the speeches of lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Fox, and it was necessary to pause till such time as those honourable members had contended it was, before any decisive measures were adopted relative to the question of war or peace; if destruction were falling on the country in the way it seemed to be; then was it, he feared, lost and gone for ever. He then took notice of what had been stated by Mr. Fox; who seemed, he said, to have lost his feelings when he spoke of the French revolution. At some particular periods he had described it as an event which astonished the world, but which was at once splen

did and harmless. Instead of looking on it as a tremendous evil that had crushed palaces and kingdoms, he had always viewed it in the light of as innocent a thing as ever came into the world; leave it alone and it would do no harm. After having conquered Spain, Portugal, Holland; and added the Italian repub. lic, Piedmont, and Parma, to the territories of France; there was nothing now remaining between us, according to the honourable gentleman's doctrine, but a peaceful rivalry of commerce. He should be glad to know how it was to go on in this amicable way. Nothing, he contended, was to be done, by pure rivalry: for the first consul had placed things in such a train, as could not fail to distress us in the most effectual manner. He would trade with Holland, Russia, Denmark, Sweden; in short, with all but us.

Mr. Windham denied the foundation of the principles of Mr. Fox's argument relative to the treaty of Amiens; for whatever their love of domination might be as to other countries, their whole and sole wishes, aims, and views, were invariably bent on the total destruction of this country, whose trade and wealth they envied, and both which they were taught to believe had been employed to bring upon them all the difficulties and evils they had been forced to encounter. It was well known that France, since the signing of the preliminary articles, had built eighteen ships of the line. There had in that period been shipped from the Baltic for France upwards of 10,000 tons of hemp; and what was most to be wondered at was, that all this had been shipped in British bottoms. The expedition that was B4

first sent out to St. Domingo, was fitted cut in a less space of time than had ever been known on any former occasion, at a moment when the French navy and trade were said to be at the very lowest ebb. But, strange to tell! the provisions that had been sent out to St. Domingo, were all sent out on British credit, and were even guaranteed by our merchants. What was still more alarming was, that the next convoy of provisions was to be sent out by the Dutch, and conveyed in American bottoms; thus strengthening the power of those two navies, to the detriment of ours: and, hereafter, when we were pleasing ourselves with the idea that credit begets capital, and capital ensures commerce, we should find that from the overgrown power of France, when our commerce was most successful, it would be liable, from her combinations, to kick our credit to the devil. He ridiculed the idea of the violent disposition which, all of a sudden, the first consul had shown in favour of a system of peace, and of his assuming the title of pacificator of Europe. He proceeded to caution ministers to weigh well the situation this country would be in when war came, which he thought could not be far off. The honourable gentleman (Mr. Fox) had stated his principle to be the point of honour. He wished his point had been lower, and his principle higher; for his part, he put the point of honour out of the case, for he deemed the national honcur neither more nor less than the national interest. He would not make war for mere convenience; but there was another little thing, called safety, for which he would inmediately make war. He admonished ministers to sacri

fice a dangerous economy to the vigorous measures it might be neces sary to adopt for our safety: and concluded by saying, for the reasons which he had adduced, he did not think himself at liberty to give a silent vote to the address; to which, however, he should propose no amendment.

Mr. Fox rose in explanation, and said, with considerable warmth, the right honourable gentleman had, throughout his speech, misrepresented his meaning; and as he did not quote his words, he had not an opportunity of pointing out the particular instances of misrepresentation. He must believe that the right honourable gentleman did not wilfully misrepresent him; but, as he so often imputed to him sentiments he did not entertain, and opinions he never uttered, it was. necessary for him to say a few words in explanation. He never said that the power of France was not formidable; on the contrary, he said that no man in England could feel more strongly, or regretted more, that aggrandisement. He did feel it; and he charged that aggrandisement upon the right honourable gentleman and his colleagues, as a calamity for which they were gravely responsible to their country. That right honourable gentleman, he said, and his colleagues, had contributed more to augment the power of France than any member of the house of Bourbon, or any general of the French republic. He did not say that he was for peace on any terms, and purchased by any submission. He recommended peace as most consonant to the true honour and to the true interests of the nation.

Mr. Windham replied, that he certainly did not intend to misre-,

present

nions.

present the honourable gentleman. He did not quote his words; he spoke of the general tenor of his speech, and tendency of his opiThe house, which heard the speech and his remarks upon it, would judge of the fairness with which he stated the honourable gentleman.

The chancellor of the exchequer observed, that though such persons as thought with the honourable gentleman, that the conclusion of peace was pregnant with the destruction of the country, might now agree with him in the lamentable picture he had drawn of our situation and prospects, yet he could not believe that views so discouraging to all spirit of enterprise, so inconsistent with all public confidence and private comfort, would meet with the approbation of impartial men in that house, or in the nation. The honourable gentleman spoke as if he thought that ministers in concluding peace would feel that they had sins to expiate; while, on the other hand, the honourable gentleman opposite (Mr. Fox) expressed a hope, that ministers did not repent of the part they had acted in bringing the war to a termination. He must state, then, to the house, that he did not appear before them as an apologist for his conduct in that affair. If he were a delinquent, he was a hardened one: for he never reflected up on the share he had in that event without inward satisfaction; nay, if any new aggression, if any fresh insult upon the country, were to render a renewal of the war inevitable, he should not alter his sentiments or change that satisfaction into repentance, as he could declare with truth, that the part he acted was dictated by a sense of duty, guided by the best of his judgement. No

man lamented more than he did the aggrandisement of France; yet it seemed to him very shallow reasoning to say, that the magnitude of her power was in proportion to the extent of that aggrandisement. But supposing the right honourable gentleman'salarm of French power to be just, how did he justify the policy of an immediate war? He surely then had not examined the question with sufficient attention, or he could not have so completely laid out of sight, every consideration of prudence. Several gentlemen had alluded to the naval and military establishments, as being excessively and prematurely reduced. Upon a matter in which, by proper inquiries, accurate information might have been obtained, it was surprising that they should have so greatly erred. The fact was, that with regard to our military establishment, it was double what it was in the year 1784, at the same period from the conclusion of the treaty. No reduction whatever had taken place in the infantry, except in the disembodying the militia, those whose period of service was limited, and those unfit for duty. There had been a reduction in the cavalry; but still it was double what it was in the year 1784. As to the navy, in 1786 we had 115 vessels in commission; we had now 207. In 1792, the year preceding the war, we had 18,000 seamen; at present we had 46,000. So much for the reduction of our naval and military establishments. It was with the utmost satisfaction, likewise, that he was able to convert into certainty, what was stated as conjecture, respecting the increase of our commerce, manufactures, and revenue. He was the more gratified in being able to do so, when he recollected

the

the gloomy presages on this subject which were held out by those who disapproved of the peace. In the year ending October 1801, the exports of British manufactures amounted to between 23 and 24 millions. In the year ending October 1802, he had the pleasure of stating, that the exports amounted to no less than 27,500,000l. During the last year, also, the amount of the revenue had been unexampled. Many thought that he was too sanguine last year in taking the surplus of the consolidated fund at 4,500,000l. for the current year; but, for two quarters from the 5th of April, the amount of the surplus had already been upwards of three millions. The floating debt of every kind, which was estimated at upwards of twenty millions, would, in January next, amount to no more than fourteen millions; notwithstanding the unusual efforts which had been made during the year, and the extensive establishment that had been kept up. The house, he was sure, would be happy in being thus relieved from the anxiety respecting our situation and prospects, which unfounded conjectures had spread, and to see errors on so important a subject corrected from the most authentic documents. The right honourable gentleman seemed to think that all the dangers which he saw in our situation arose from a state of peace; but he did not show in what respect war would remedy the evil. After the experience of the events of the war, how could he prove that peace was more favourable than war to the aggrandisement of France? that a perseverance in the contest, or its renewal, would tend to give relief or security to those parts of the continent in which we were peculiarly interested? The principles

on which ministers concluded peace were, that our single efforts could be of no avail to repair what was amiss in the state of the continent; and that, therefore, our honour being saved, it was wise to spare our resources for occasions when, if peace could not be preserved with safety and dignity, we might go to war with the co-operation of allies, or be enabled to assist and animate their returning energies. When Austria retired from the contest, all wise and impartial men thought that we should likewise give up the conflict, if terms of peace compatible with our interest could be obtained. In such circumstances we did put an end to the war, our honour entire, our constitution preserved, our best interests secured; and if the renewal of the war should, by any aggression or any insult on the part of France, be rendered necessary, it would not be renewed on grounds different from those on which its discontinuance had been justified. The right honourable gentleman had insinuated a suspicion that the tone which ministers might have assumed in any discussions with the government of France had been inconsistent with the dignity of the nation. He hoped that his assertion would be received in opposi tion to a mere insinuation. He asserted then, most positively, that in no one instance had the honour and interests of the country been committed by ministers; and this was all that it would be proper for him to say upon such a subject. The right honourable gentleman said, that the public opinion was recovering: for his own part, he was satisfied that the public opinion was that the country wished for peace, but was not afraid of war; that it wished what was best,

but