to be formed on the principle of securing a body of supplementary recruits in the speediest manner, whenever they should be wanted. In order, however, that this might be done, government should not be suddenly left without an army; and therefore he thought that the period of service should be five years or during the war, and six months after the ratification of peace. Accordingly, after some conversation, this was the period of service fixed for substitutes.

Several other amendments were made. The secretary at war proposed, that every person who should not serve or provide a substitute, should pay a fine of 201.; but, if subject to the payment of 101. to the assessed taxes, should be liable to a further fine of 51. additional, for every additional 101. of assessed taxes, which such person might pay, and so on, up to 100., which should be the highest penalty. The scale of penalties was opposed, on the ground that it would tend to raise the bounties so high, as to render it extremely difficult to procure substitutes, and also throw material obstacles in the way of recruiting for the regular army. The whole of the clause was therefore left out, excepting that part which fixes the penalty at 201., which stands as the fine for all persons declining to serve or to procure a substitute. Clauses were adopted, that the payment of a fine should exempt the person paying, from the ballot only for one year; also, that, if any person should accept earnest, or any part of the bounty, for becoming a substitute, and should, notwithstanding, refuse to come forward, it should be competent to two deputy-lieutenants, or magistrates, to issue warrants, to have such person brought

before them; and, if he should still decline to serve, and was unable to return the money so advanced, he might be committed to the common jail, without bail or mainprize. Upon the several amendments, a great deal of desul tory conversation took place. The house having resumed, the report was received and agreed to. The bill was read a third time on the 1st of July, and on the 5th the same bill passed the lords.

On the third reading of the Scotch army of reserve bill, Mr. Charles Grant wished to know upon what scale the secretary had calculated the proportions for the counties of Scotland.-The secre, tary at war replied, that at first the proportion was calculated at thirty-four for one hundred of the population of the country; but, after consulting with very able men who had assisted in forming the tables of population, the old calculations were found to be very imperfect; and the conclusion was, that eighty-four to two thousand should be the average. But on account of the incorrect returns in some counties, there should be added to the average of eightyfour, a number not exceeding sixteen; and in other counties a number should be taken off the average, not exceeding sixteen. After a few words more the bill was passed.

On Friday, the 18th of July, the secretary at war rose and observed, that, as the measure for raising the army of reserve was now disposed of, it was his duty to give notice, that he should, on Tuesday next, move for leave to bring in a bill to render more effectual the act of the present session, for the better defence of the realm, and for rectifying certain measures therein proposed relative to commissioners,

The

The motion was not brought for ward till the 18th of the same month, when the secretary at war prefaced it, by saying, that the bill already passed contained provisions for enabling his majesty to take such preliminary measures for ascertaining the strength and resources of the different parts of the kingdom as were necessary, with a view to further measures of internal defence. It likewise provided a compendious mode of acquiring possession of such property, on the part of the public, as might be necessary; and there were provisions for a summary mode of indemnifying those persons who might suffer either by the preparations or by actual invasion. But, upon mature consideration of that bill, which was similar to the bill passed last war, in the year 1798, it did not appear to him to go quite far enough. It was particularly defective in one point; namely, in enabling his majesty to avail himself of his ancient and undoubted prerogative, in commanding the assistance of all his subjects fit to bear arms, for the purpose of repelling the invasion of a foreign enemy. The bill went no further than compelling the different counties to furnish their quotas, and taking other measures with respect to the safety of public property. He here went into some detail, to prove what he had stated with respect to this ancient prerogative of the crown, and backed his arguments with the authority of judge Blackstone. He then proceeded: that this being the ancient law of the realm, it might be asked, why was it necessary to call the attention of parliament at this time to any parliamentary measure? It was, because the process by which the prerogative of the crown, and

the duty of the subject, could be enforced, was so tedious as to render it, in a great measure, useless. The party refusing to obey the king's summons might be fined and imprisoned; but it could only be by the due course of law; a delay which would render the process nugatory. It did, therefore, upon the principle and reason of the thing, with reference to the an cient exercise of the prerogative, so vested in the crown, seem to be necessary to adopt some simple, decisive, and effectual measure. After urging the necessity of this measure, from the particular circumstances of the country, he continued: under those circumstances, it appeared to him, that the whole power of the country ought to be put in a state to be made use of in case of necessity; and that, after calculating on our own powerful armies, we should have a second or a third line, or legion upon legion, and army upon army, in order to fill up the regulars, and bodies of troops in the field; and that we should calculate, in the first instance, those losses in battle to which we must necessarily look. In case of an actual invasion of this country, the operations in the field would, of course, be extremely active, and the conflict severe. We, therefore, ought not to look to the slow mode of recruiting by ballot; but we ought to resort to the ancient law, and to hose powers of the prerogative, by which the king could command all his subjects to bear arms.

Having stated thus much, he would then proceed to state the outlines of his plan. The plan divided itself into two heads; the first related to the enrolment, and assembling the men when enrolled; M 4

and

and the second, to the exercising and drilling them. What he proposed was, to make use, as much as possible, of the machinery of the militia, and to avail himself of the powers intrusted to the lordlieutenants and deputy-lieutenants. Recourse could not be had to any thing better. He should recommend, that the lieutenancy in every county should meet, as soon as possible, for the purpose of directing an enrolment of all men, in every parish, between the ages of seventeen and fifty-five. He should divide the men comprehended in the enrolment into four classes, in a way somewhat similar to that which took place in the militia. The first would contain all the young and unmarried men between seventeen and thirty. The second, all men between thirty and fifty who were in the same predicament. Thirdly, all men between seventeen and thirty who were married and had no more than two children under ten years of age. And the fourth class should include all the rest. He should also propose, that the enrolment should describe the persons in the following manner, distinguishing those who were serving in the army of reserve, or in the militia, or in any of the king's forces, or in any of the volunteer corps approved of by his majesty; and also those who were serving by substitute in the militia; and for this reason, because, while a person had a substitute actually serving, he could not be called upon for military services as long as it lasted. He did not propose to distinguish those who had served by substitutes; for the militia laws said they might be called upon whenever it came to their

turn.

With regard to constables and

peace-officers, they would appear in the roll so distinguished. When he came to speak of the assembling, he should propose to exempt such persons as long as they continued in those situations. The enrolment, he was desirous, should proceed much in the way of making up the militia. Every man would have an opportunity of appealing, in case he was improperly described, or was beyond the age, or belonged to any other class. He trusted as little time as possible would be lost in taking the necessary steps; and yet that they would not be so expeditious as to effect injustice. He meant to propose, that, when the deputy-lieutenants ordered the lists to be made out, they should appoint a day for receiving them, which should also be the day of appeal. He proposed that the lists should be corrected in spring and autumn; that they should be kept in as correct a state as possible; and that the abstract of the county roll should be transmitted to the principal secretary of state, divided into the different classes, so that it should describe the number of men, and those who were entitled to exemptions. Having so provided for the enrolment, he next proposed, that his majesty should have it in his power, in case of actual invasion, or the approach of an enemy's force towards our coast, to call upon the lieutenancy to assemble or embody all those persons who did not fall within the description of those whom he had mentioned as entitled to be exempted; and to order that all those of the first class should be forthwith called out to repel the invasion; and, during the time they were assembled, should be subject to military discipline, and

be

be sent to any part of Great Bri-, tain, into any existing corps that might be raised; that the time of their service should be limited to the period of the invasion; and that, as soon as the enemy was exterminated, or driven into the sea, they were to be at liberty immediately to return home. That, upon assembling, every man should be entitled to two guineas, to furnish him with necessaries; and when their services were over, and they were at liberty to return home, that, over and above the usual sum allowed in the militia, they should be paid the sum of one guinea. He should also propose, that, when these men were so assembled, they should take an oath of fidelity during their service, which should extend not only to repelling foreign invasion, but to quelling any rebellion or insurrection that might exist during the time. He had stated in general the outline of the plan for enrolling and assembling the people; he would now proceed to that part of it which related to the exercising and training. He should say, in the first place, that the constitution of this realm not only provided for enabling his majesty to call on his subjects to repel an enemy, but the wholesome institutions of our ancestors provided that every man should be exercised in the use of arms. We might talk of population; but if men were unaccustomed to the use of arms, and did not know how to handle a firelock for their defence, the population was weakened in proportion to their ignorance. Our ancestors were so sensible of this, that there were many instances to be found in our books of obliging persons to provide themselves with arms, and to learn the use of them. As late

as the reign of Henry VIII., all servants and labourers are obliged to practise the bow, and townships were ordered to provide butts for shooting at, and were fined if they did not. By the 38d of Hen. ry VIII. c. 9. every man under sixty, not labouring under some bodily impediment, was directed to exercise the art of shooting with a bow; and fathers, governors, and masters were ordered to have those under them instructed in the use of arms. He should highly approve of some measures being adopted by the house, for obliging all our youth in public schools to be instructed in the use of arms; and that the military art should be part of the public education: for we lived in times when, unless a man knew the use of arms, and had the valour to employ them, neither his life, his property, his honour, or his family, could be safe a month. By the statute he had mentioned, masters were to bring boys up to arms, to provide them, till they were seventeen, with a bow and two shafts; and after that age they were to provide themselves. Butts were to be kept in repair, under the penalty of thirty shillings. Referring to this system, he should propose that his majesty should be enabled to direct the lord-lieutenants to make preparations for exercising the young men of the first class once a week in the different parishes. For this object, the king might order sufficient arms to be provided for such young men. These arms might be lodged in the churches or other convenient places, and should be kept in order at the expense of the parishes, and parish officers and constables appointed for the custody of them. There were other provisions in the bill he intended to

submit,

submit, directing the lord-lieutenants and deputy-lieutenants to appoint officers to command the men, dividing them, as much as possible, into companies of parishes; and where the parishes were too small, adding one or more. He should recommend, that over every 120 men the lord-lieutenant should appoint officers. That every person in the first class should attend once a week, for the purpose of being exercised; provided the place of exercising did not exceed three miles. This was surely no very grievous burden. He should propose, that persons omitting to attend should pay a small fine, proportioned to their circumstances in life. Those who were assessed to the parish rates should be fined five shillings; and young men, who were in the inferior branches of life, one shilling. In case of repeated omissions, the penalty would be increased in the manner described in the bill. There were provi. sions enabling the deputy-lieutenants and commanding officers to agree with out-pensioners to train the men. He was persuaded, that, if the house should think proper to adopt a measure of this kind, nothing could be more easy than to find persons in every parish to instruct men in the use of arms; at least to prime and load, and turn to the right and left. This was easily taught; and, once learned, was never forgotten. Officers would know best, how far such men, having received such instruction, would be serviceable after they were assembled, if they were armed and mixed with regular troops. It did not require much time to make a soldier for effectual service, though, perhaps, for parade and manoeuvring it did. He believed there would be very little mancu

vring in this country if the French were landed in it. If an Englishman knew but how to use his firelock, he would soon become a respectable soldier.

He should propose, that, when any of these men were called out, if any young man were desirous of serving in the cavalry, he should be at liberty to do so, upon his ap- pearing equipped as a dragoon. He should also propose, that, if there were volunteers in a parish to half the amount of its population, the remainder, though not exempted from enrolment, should not be required to serve personally. In such an emergency, no man deserved the name of an Englishman who did not march out to meet the enemy-he ought to be set up as a mark of infamy. He therefore proposed, that no corps, so volunteering, should refuse to march under their own officers to any part of Great Britain where their services might be required. He should propose to extend this plan to the whole of Great Britain. He believed the ancient prerogatives of the kings of Scotland were the same as our own upon this subject; but, be it as it might, he was sure that no gentleman would object to a proposition so limited as the present one was. It was limited to enrolment in the parishes, while the enemy were out of the country; and, if they came, every man would feel himself called upon to march. With respect to Ireland, it was not his intention to extend the present measure to that country. The parochial divisions of Ireland were not carried to the perfection they were in England, though he hoped they soon might; and that every effort would be made to attain that object. At present, however, Ireland was not