tion of the French government, fast approaching to its dissolution. Many causes had justly excited the suspicions of his majesty's ministers; but one which has been least insisted on, forms, in our opinion, one of the most powerful motives for the strong measures to which they were obliged to have recourse we allude to the unjustifiable violence offered to British property in France, and the almost total denial of justice to British subjects in the French courts. The instances are many which might be cited in proof of this allegation, but there is not any more flagrant than the refusal to restore the vessels captured in India* by the French, after the signature of the preliminaries was known by both parties, and in direct violation of them.

Instead of any effort to nego tiate a commercial treaty, every restriction upon British commerce imposed during the régime of terror, was strictly enforced; and the whole conduct of the French government evinced a jealousy and distrust of England that seemed to prove that the peace was considered only as a temporary cessation of hostilities.

Several circumstances occurred

further to prove that France, during this fallacious truce, was secretly laying plans of future aggrandisement, and chiefly at the expense of Great Britain. To complete a navy was avowedly the favourite object of the first consul. This was, however, necessarily a work of time; to use his own expression, it might require ten years. Yet France was formidable not only from her own power,

but from having the navies of Spain and Holland at her disposal. The latter, contrary to the farth of treaties, she continued to hold in the most abject subjection; and, notwithstanding repeated remon strances, refused to withdraw her troops, who still continued to be fed and clothed by an enslaved and oppressed people.

No circumstance, however, contributed more to excite the just apprehensions of the British government, than the detection of a plan which was perfectly consistent with the ambitious designs of an encroaching military government, whose aim was universal empire, and the immediate object of which could be no other than the conquest of Great Britain. The peace had been scarcely concluded before a number of persons were landed in different parts of Great Britain and Ireland, under the name of commercial commissioners. When examined, they proved to be all military officers; and in their possession were found written instructions from the French ministers, directing them to such particular inquiries as could have no relation to commerce, and could be only useful in a military view. One of these commissioners, it was affirmed, was actually detected in taking soundings off the coast of Ireland, and endeavouring to procure surveys of different places.

One of these commercial agents, colonel Sebastiani, an officer of some note, had been dispatched to Egypt; and on his return he published a report of his mission, which contained the grossest and most malignant calumnies against the British officers who commanded in

that

that quarter of which a tolerable specimen is, a charge formally brought against general Stuart of attempting to instigate assassination. The whole report evinced that the tour of Sebastiani was a military and not a commercial tour. And, towards the close of it, after various representations how favourably disposed the inhabitants were to the French government, we find these remarkable words,"Six thousand French would at present be enough to conquer Egypt."

While such were the proceedings of the French government as to a foreign territory, of the possession of which the first consul was known to be particularly desirous, an inclination was manifested to interfere with our domestic œconomy and laws. The liberty of the press in England was loudly arraigned in some official papers presented by the French government to our ministers; and a peremptory demand was made that the French princes and the other emigrants residing here should be dismissed from the protection of England. In any ordinary case, the former of these applications might be attributed to ignorance, the latter to jealousy. But when we reflect on the style of the modern politics of France; that she has usually begun, where she wished to establish herself, by interfering in the domestic concerns of a neighbouring state, and by gaining an ascendancy there; when we re flect that such has been her conduct with respect to Holland, Switzerland, Spain, and other countries, there was at least room for suspicion that the first consul would have had no objection to undertake the direction of all the active

functions of the British government.

The annexation to France of the territories of Piedmont, Parma, Placentia, and the Isle of Elba, and the flagrant violation of the treaty of Luneville in subjugating the Swiss cantons by force of arms, left little room for conjecture as to the boundless ambition and rapacity of the French government. Besides that, our government is said to have been in possession of authentic statements relative to the hostile designs of the first consul and indeed these designs were scarcely concealed in a personal conference which he held on the 17th of February with lord Whitworth, the British ambassador at Paris.

With all these causes of diffe rence, the old subject of contention, the possession of Malta, was made the ground-work of a protracted and vexatious negotiation. A peremptory demand, not unaccompanied by a threat, was made for its immediate evacuation; while, in a solemn official document delivered by the government to the legislative body on the 22d of February, it was, unnecessarily as rudely, asserted, "that Great Britain was not able to contend single-handed with France."

At this interesting crisis very considerable preparations, both naval and military, were making in the ports of Holland and France. They were avowedly destined for the reduction of the refractory colonies in the West Indies; nor shall we now question whether that might not be in truth their actual destination: but it was natural that in such a state of things a degree of jealousy should be enter tained respecting the projects of a

faithless

faithless government; and, with the example of other countries whom France had insidiously enslaved before their eyes, we apprehend our ministers could not justly be blamed for their precaution on this occasion.

On the 8th of March, therefore, a message from his majesty to the following effect was delivered to both houses of parliament.

It stated "that his majesty thought it necessary to acquaint the house that, as very considerable military preparations were carrying on in the ports of France and Holland, he had judged it expedient to adopt additional measures of precaution for the security of his dominions; that though these pre-, parations were avowedly directed to colonial service, yet, as discussions of great importance were then subsisting between his majesty and the French government, the result of which must at present be uncertain, his majesty was induced to make this communication to his faithful parliament, in full persuasion that, while they partook of his majesty's earnest and unvarying solicitude for the continuation of peace, he might rely with perfect confidence on their public spirit and liberality to enable his majesty to adopt such measures as circumstances might appear to require, for supporting the honour of his crown and the essential interests of his people." The message was taken into consideration in the house of lords on the following day, when lord Hobart moved an address of thanks to his majesty for his gracious communication. His lordship observed, substantially, that though the avowed objects of the military preparations of France

might be the real ones, it never theless became his majesty's ministers to advise his majesty to call upon his parliament to strengthen his hands, and enable him to put the country on its defence, and secure it against the chance of any premeditated attack in any quarter. His lordship declared, at the same time that he said this he could confidently assure the house, that, from what he knew of the important discussions alluded to (which he did not think it at all necessary at that time to go into), they were not of a nature that appeared to be such as must necessarily preduce a war between the two countries, but might be amicably negotiated and adjusted, without the smallest necessity of recurring to hostilities. His lordship said he did not think it incumbent on him to trouble the house further at that moment, but would immediately read the resolution for the address which he meant to move. — It was, as usual, an echo of the message.

Earl Spencer said, there was one part of the noble secretary of state's speech which it would have been more satisfactory to him, individually, if his lordship had been a little more explicit on-he meant as to the nature and importance of the discussions then subsisting between his majesty and the French government. The message itself declared them to be of " great importance;" and they must necessarily have been so, or they would not have been taken as the ground of so strong a measure as that recommended in his majesty's message. But were they discussions that had newly arisen, or were they discussions of long standing? His lordship, laid great stress on this particular,

particular, and expressed in terms of great satisfaction, his complete approbation of the measure recommended in the message, as one that might lead to a line of conduct which could alone afford the country a chance of being saved.

Lord Grenville felt considerable satisfaction at the step then taken. He considered it as an earnest of a new system, as a pledge that the dignity and safety of the country would at last be consulted. He was followed by earl Moira, who observed that there were important considerations attached to the vote required; and the total obscurity in which the noble secretary of state had left the immediate causes of his majesty's message, made it necessary for him to establish for himself certain reservations with the view of future inquiry. He must be satisfied hereafter that this was not an idle parade of valorous exertion, devised to obtain the praise of vigour for the ministers, as having been the means of carrying some object which would at all events have been conceded to us. Private property had been seriously affected by the operation of this alarm upon the funds: and, independent ly of that circumstance, there was a deep objection to an unnecessary call upon the public; because, by applying such a statement to cases where no consequence was likely to follow, the power was weakened of communicating impulse when it should be really important to rouse the energies of the nation. He would trust that, on some future and no remote day, it should be proved that a crisis so much to be deprecated as the present could not be prevented. If it could not be prevented, then there would remain this further investigation,

1803.

whether so inevitable a result was not to have been foreseen earlier, and thence encountered upon terms less disadvantageous than those upon which the contest was then to take place. Having secured to himself the right of future discussion of these points, he laid them aside for the present, that nothing might interfere with the zeal which ought to distinguish an assurance of support to his majesty.

After noticing the domineering and hostile spirit of France, his lordship (adverting to the language of the message) proceeded to ask, what discussion existed then between the two countries which did not exist during the last session of parliament, when the permanence of peace was so confidently and triumphantly insisted upon? What preparations were now going forward which were not at that time either undertaken or professed to be in purpose? All the difficulties which could attend those discussions, all the objections which could present themselves with regard to such preparations, must have been as distinctly obvious then as they were now. Of course we must infer that some new cause of difference with France had arisen; in which case, he thought it was due to parliament and the country to state it. The noble secretary of state, he doubted not, would urge prudential reasons (though he could conceive none with which he should agree) for not going into the detail, or even furnishing an outline at this moment. Indeed, the noble lord had been so reserved in his language, and so placid in his tone, upon this occasion, that he seemed to have feared the giving umbrage to the first consul. there had been necessity for this

K

If

message

message from the king, there must also be necessity for a manly and decisive declaration of the conduct to be adopted in such a jancture. What was there in the procedure of the first consul that could recommend such forbearance? He saw no motive for further compliment to this new Hannibal, who had, on the altars of his inordinate ambition, sworn unextinguishable enmity to this country. Were he to speak of the first consul in any other relation than that which he had assumed to the concerns of Britain, he would speak of him with the deference befitting his high station, and with the respect which his wonderful actions must demand. But when he wilfully opposed himself to the welfare of these realms, nay, openly struck at the root of their prosperity, the language of complacency on that head was ill-timed and mischievous. The noble earl dwelt for some time on this topic. If, said he, you would avert war, you must show yourselves on a level with the exigency. You must, in the immortal language of Shake

His majesty's message to the house of commons came under consideration on the 9th of March. The address was moved by the chancellor of the exchequer, which, after some little debate, not materially different from what took place in the lords', was also agreed to without a division.

The chancellor of the exchequer then gave notice, that he should on Friday (this being Wednesday) move the house for a grant of 10,000 seamen and marines, as an addition to the present number of his majesty's naval forces.-Accordingly, on the Friday the motion was brought forward; when

Mr. Francis observed, that the vote to which the committee were then called upon to accede, was one which involved considerations of the most important nature; and before any member could, consistently with his duty, agree to it, some general explanation was due on the part of his majesty's ministers. It was of importance to the committee to have some general information communicated respecting the situation in which the coun try was placed; the reasons which rendered such extraordinary preparations necessary; the character of those with whom the application of those preparations would be vested; the views they entertained in calling on the house to make the preparations; and the degree of confidence to which, by their past conduct, they were entitled. While he called for explanation, he disclaimed all opposition or hostility to his majesty's ministers; and indeed he was the more entitled to demand this explanation, as he had hitherto given them his support, and had reposed confi. dence in their conduct. That the executive